what is media bias essay

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Elizabeth Morrissette, Grace McKeon, Alison Louie, Amy Luther, and Alexis Fagen

Media bias could be defined as the unjust favoritism and reporting of a certain ideas or standpoint. In the news, social media, and entertainment, such as movies or television, we see media bias through the information these forms of media choose to pay attention to or report (“How to Detect Bias in News Media”, 2012). We could use the example of the difference between FOX news and CNN because these two news broadcasters have very different audiences, they tend to be biased to what the report and how they report it due to democratic or republican viewpoints.

Bias, in general, is the prejudice or preconceived notion against a person, group or thing. Bias leads to stereotyping which we can see on the way certain things are reported in the news. As an example, during Hurricane Katrina, there were two sets of photos taken of two people wading through water with bags of food. The people, one white and one black, were reported about but the way they were reported about was different. For the black man, he was reported “looting” a grocery store, while the white person was reported “finding food for survival”.  The report showed media bias because they made the black man seem like he was doing something wrong, while the white person was just “finding things in order to survive” (Guarino, 2015).

Commercial media is affected by bias because a corporation can influence what kind of entertainment is being produced. When there is an investment involved or money at stake, companies tend to want to protect their investment by not touching on topics that could start a controversy (Pavlik, 2018). In order to be able to understand what biased news is, we must be media literate. To be media literate, we need to adopt the idea that news isn’t completely transparent in the stories they choose to report. Having the knowledge that we can’t believe everything we read or see on the news will allow us as a society to become a more educated audience (Campbell, 2005).

Bias in the News

The news, whether we like it or not, is bias. Some news is bias towards Republicans while other news outlets are biased towards Democrats. It’s important to understand this when watching or reading the news to be media literate. This can be tricky because journalists may believe that their reporting is written with “fairness and balance” but most times there is an underlying bias based around what news provider the story is being written for (Pavlik and McIntosh, 61). With events happening so rapidly, journalist write quickly and sometimes point fingers without trying to. This is called Agenda-Setting which is defined by Shirley Biagi as, how reporters neglect to tell people what to think, but do tell them what and who to talk about (Biagi, 268).

The pressure to put out articles quickly, often times, can affect the story as well. How an event is portrayed, without all the facts and viewpoints, can allow the scene to be laid out in a way that frames it differently than it may have happened (Biagi, 269). However, by simply watching or reading only one portrayal of an event people will often blindly believe it is true, without see or reading other stories that may shine a different light on the subject (Vivian, 4). Media Impact   defines this as Magic Bullet Theory or the assertion that media messages directly and measurably affect people’s behavior (Biagi, 269). The stress of tight time deadlines also affects the number of variations of a story. Journalist push to get stories out creates a lack of deeper consideration to news stories. This is called Consensus Journalism or the tendency among journalists covering the same topic to report similar articles instead of differing interpretations of the event (Biagi, 268).

To see past media bias in the news it’s important to be media literate. Looking past any possible framing, or bias viewpoints and getting all the facts to create your own interpretation of a news story. It doesn’t hurt to read both sides of the story before blindly following what someone is saying, taking into consideration who they might be biased towards.

Stereotypes in the Media

Bias is not only in the news, but other entertainment media outlets such as TV and movies. Beginning during childhood, our perception of the world starts to form. Our own opinions and views are created as we learn to think for ourselves. The process of this “thinking for ourselves” is called socialization. One key agent of socialization is the mass media. Mass media portrays ideas and images that at such a young age, are very influential. However, the influence that the media has on us is not always positive. Specifically, the entertainment media, plays a big role in spreading stereotypes so much that they become normal to us (Pavlik and McIntosh, 55).

The stereotypes in entertainment media may be either gender stereotypes or cultural stereotypes. Gender stereotypes reinforce the way people see each gender supposed to be like. For example, a female stereotype could be a teenage girl who likes to go shopping, or a stay at home mom who cleans the house and goes grocery shopping. Men and women are shown in different ways in commercials, TV and movies. Women are shown as domestic housewives, and men are shown as having high status jobs, and participating in more outdoor activities (Davis, 411). A very common gender stereotype for women is that they like to shop, and are not smart enough to have a high-status profession such as a lawyer or doctor. An example of this stereotype can be shown in the musical/movie, Legally Blonde. The main character is woman who is doubted by her male counterparts. She must prove herself to be intelligent enough to become a lawyer. Another example of a gender stereotype is that men like to use tools and drive cars. For example, in most tool and car commercials /advertisements, a man is shown using the product.  On the other hand, women are most always seen in commercials for cleaning supplies or products like soaps. This stems the common stereotype that women are stay at home moms and take on duties such as cleaning the house, doing the dishes, doing the laundry, etc.

Racial stereotyping is also quite common in the entertainment media. The mass media helps to reproduce racial stereotypes, and spread those ideologies (Abraham, 184). For example, in movies and TV, the minority characters are shown as their respective stereotypes. In one specific example, the media “manifests bias and prejudice in representations of African Americans” (Abraham, 184). African Americans in the media are portrayed in negative ways. In the news, African Americans are often portrayed to be linked to negative issues such as crime, drug use, and poverty (Abraham 184). Another example of racial stereotyping is Kevin Gnapoor in the popular movie, Mean Girls . His character is Indian, and happens to be a math enthusiast and member of the Mathletes. This example strongly proves how entertainment media uses stereotypes.

Types of Media Bias

Throughout media, we see many different types of bias being used. These is bias by omission, bias by selection of source, bias by story selection, bias by placement, and bias by labeling. All of these different types are used in different ways to prevent the consumer from getting all of the information.

• Bias by omission:  Bias by omission is when the reporter leaves out one side of the argument, restricting the information that the consumer receives. This is most prevalent when dealing with political stories (Dugger) and happens by either leaving out claims from either the liberal or conservative sides. This can be seen in either one story or a continuation of stories over time (Media Bias). There are ways to avoid this type of bias, these would include reading or viewing different sources to ensure that you are getting all of the information.
• Bias by selection of sources:  Bias by selection of sources occurs when the author includes multiple sources that only have to do with one side (Baker).  Also, this can occur when the author intentionally leaves out sources that are pertinent to the other side of the story (Dugger). This type of bias also utilizes language such as “experts believe” and “observers say” to make people believe that what they are reading is credible. Also, the use of expert opinions is seen but only from one side, creating a barrier between one side of the story and the consumers (Baker).
• Bias by story selection: The second type of bias by selection is bias by story selection. This is seen more throughout an entire corporation, rather than through few stories. This occurs when news broadcasters only choose to include stories that support the overall belief of the corporation in their broadcasts. This means ignoring all stories that would sway people to the other side (Baker).  Normally the stories that are selected will fully support either the left-wing or right-wing way of thinking.
• Bias by placement: Bias by placement is a big problem in today’s society. We are seeing this type of bias more and more because it is easy with all of the different ways media is presented now, either through social media or just online. This type of bias shows how important a particular story is to the reporter. Editors will choose to poorly place stories that they don’t think are as important, or that they don’t want to be as easily accessible. This placement is used to downplay their importance and make consumers think they aren’t as important (Baker).
• Bias by labeling: Bias by labeling is a more complicated type of bias mostly used to falsely describe politicians. Many reporters will tag politicians with extreme labels on one side of an argument while saying nothing about the other side (Media Bias). These labels that are given can either be a good thing or a bad thing, depending on the side they are biased towards. Some reporters will falsely label people as “experts”, giving them authority that they have not earned and in turn do not deserve (Media Bias). This type of bias can also come when a reporter fails to properly label a politician, such as not labeling a conservative as a conservative (Dugger). This can be difficult to pick out because not all labeling is biased, but when stronger labels are used it is important to check different sources to see if the information is correct.

Bias in Entertainment

Bias is an opinion in favor or against a person, group, and or thing compared to another, and are presented, in such ways to favor false results that are in line with their prejudgments and political or practical commitments (Hammersley & Gomm, 1).  Media bias in the entertainment is the bias from journalists and the news within the mass media about stories and events reported and the coverage of them.

There are biases in most entertainment today, such as, the news, movies, and television. The three most common biases formed in entertainment are political, racial, and gender biases. Political bias is when part of the entertainment throws in a political comment into a movie or TV show in hopes to change or detriment the viewers political views (Murillo, 462). Racial bias is, for example, is when African Americans are portrayed in a negative way and are shown in situations that have to do with things such as crime, drug use, and poverty (Mitchell, 621). Gender biases typically have to do with females. Gender biases have to do with roles that some people play and how others view them (Martin, 665). For example, young girls are supposed to be into the color pink and like princess and dolls. Women are usually the ones seen on cleaning commercials. Women are seen as “dainty” and “fragile.” And for men, they are usually seen on the more “masculine types of media, such as things that have to do with cars, and tools.

Bias is always present, and it can be found in all outlets of media. There are so many different types of bias that are present, whether it is found in is found in the news, entertainment industry, or in the portrayal of stereotypes bias, is all around us. To be media literate it’s important to always be aware of this, and to read more than one article, allowing yourself to come up with conclusion; thinking for yourself.

Works Cited 

Abraham, Linus, and Osei Appiah. “Framing News Stories: The Role of Visual Imagery in Priming Racial Stereotypes.”  Howard Journal of Communications , vol. 17, no. 3, 2006, pp. 183–203.

Baker, Brent H. “Media Bias.”  Student News Daily , 2017.

Biagi, Shirley. “Changing Messages.”  Media/Impact; An Introduction to Mass Media , 10th ed., Cengage Learning, 2013, pp. 268-270.

Campbell, Richard, et al.  Media & Culture: an Introduction to Mass Communication . Bedford/St Martins, 2005.

Davis, Shannon N. “Sex Stereotypes In Commercials Targeted Toward Children: A Content Analysis.”  Sociological Spectrum , vol. 23, no. 4, 2003, pp. 407–424.

Dugger, Ashley. “Media Bias and Criticism .” http://study.com/academy/lesson/media-bias-criticism-definition-types-examples.html .

Guarino, Mark. “Misleading reports of lawlessness after Katrina worsened crisis, officials say.”   The Guardian , 16 Aug. 2015, http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/aug/16/hurricane-katrina-new-orleans-looting-violence-misleading-reports .

Hammersley, Martyn, and Roger Gomm. Bias in Social Research . Vol. 2, ser. 1, Sociological Research Online, 1997.

“How to Detect Bias in News Media.”  FAIR , 19 Nov. 2012, http://fair.org/take-action-now/media-activism-kit/how-to-detect-bias-in-news-media/ .

Levasseur, David G. “Media Bias.”  Encyclopedia of Political Communication , Lynda Lee Kaid, editor, Sage Publications, 1st edition, 2008. Credo Reference, https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/sagepolcom/media_bias/0 .

Martin, Patricia Yancey, John R. Reynolds, and Shelley Keith, “Gender Bias and Feminist Consciousness among Judges and Attorneys: A Standpoint Theory Analysis,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 27, no. 3 (Spring 2002): 665-701,

Mitchell, T. L., Haw, R. M., Pfeifer, J. E., & Meissner, C. A. (2005). “Racial Bias in Mock Juror Decision-Making: A Meta-Analytic Review of Defendant Treatment.” Law and Human Behavior , 29(6), 621-637.

Murillo, M. (2002). “Political Bias in Policy Convergence: Privatization Choices in Latin America.” World Politics , 54(4), 462-493.

Pavlik, John V., and Shawn McIntosh. “Media Literacy in the Digital Age .”  Converging Media: a New Introduction to Mass Communication , Oxford University Press, 2017.

Vivian, John. “Media Literacy .”  The Media of Mass Communication , 8th ed., Pearson, 2017, pp. 4–5.

Introduction to Media Studies Copyright © by Elizabeth Morrissette, Grace McKeon, Alison Louie, Amy Luther, and Alexis Fagen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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80 Media Bias Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

🏆 best media bias topic ideas & essay examples, ⭐ interesting topics to write about media bias, ✅ simple & easy media bias essay titles, ❓ questions about media bias.

• The Impact of Media Bias Media bias is a contravention of professional standards by members of the fourth estate presenting in the form of favoritism of one section of society when it comes to the selection and reporting of events […]
• Media Bias in Reporting: The World’s Progress vs. Negative News Given the rise of populist politicians and autocrats throughout the globe, it is tempting to overlook the progress in creating civil liberties and political freedoms, which are both a way to and a culmination to […]
• Media Bias Monitor: Quantifying Biases of Social Media On the other hand, the media uses selective exposure and airing of stories about leaders, leading to more bias in their stories.
• Media Bias Fact Check: Website Analysis For instance, Fact Check relies on the evidence provided by the person or organization making a claim to substantiate the accuracy of the source.
• Bias of the Lebanese Media Therefore, the main aim of the paper is to identify the elements of bias in the media coverage through an analysis of the media coverage of Al Manar and Future TV in 2008.
• Media Bias in the Middle East Crisis in America A good example of this in the United States Media coverage of the Middle East crisis comes in terms of criminalizing the Israeli forces.
• Media Bias in America and the Middle East Of course, Benjamin Franklin neglected to mention that the printing company he owned was in the running to get the job of printing the money if the plan was approved.
• Why Study the Media, Bias, Limitations, Issues of Media The media have recently have taken an identity almost undistinguishable from entertainment or pop culture and marketing where news serve as “spices” that add up flavor to the whole serving, such as the Guardian Unlimited […]
• Media Bias: The Organization of a Newsroom The media is, however, desperate for attention, and it’s not political ideology that dictates what we are offered in the guise of news on any particular day, but what will sell advertising.
• Mass Media Bias Definition The mass media is the principal source of political information that has an impact on the citizens. The concept of media bias refers to the disagreement about its impact on the citizens and objectivity of […]
• Modern Biased Media: Transparency, Independence, and Objectivity Lack The mass media is considered to be the Fourth Estate by the majority of people. The main goal of this paper is to prove that the modern media is biased because it lacks transparency, independence, […]
• How Is the Media Biased and in What Direction? The bias in this article is aimed at discrediting mainstream media’s coverage of Clinton’s campaign while praising the conservative actions of the GOP presidential candidate.
• Al Jazeera TV: A Propaganda Platform Al Jazeera is the largest media outlet in the Middle East reporting events mostly to the Arab world. The media outlet has equated revolutions in Egypt and Libya with the ejection of totalitarianism in the […]
• Media Bias in the U.S. Politics The main reason for the censure of this information by the media is because it had a connection with the working masses, and Unionists. In this case, the perceived media bias comes from the state […]
• Media Bias: Media Research Center Versus Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting
• Advertising Spending and Media Bias: Evidence From News Coverage of Car Safety Recalls
• Towards a More Direct Measure of Political Media Bias
• Media Bias Towards Science
• French Media Bias and the Vote on the European Constitution
• Political Accountability, Electoral Control, and Media Bias
• Media Mergers and Media Bias With Rational Consumers
• Same-Sex Marriage and Media Bias
• Media Bias and Stereotypes: A Long Way of Justify the Truth
• Political Polarization and the Electoral Effects of Media Bias
• Media Bias and Its Influence on Public Opinion on Current Events
• The Arguments Surrounding Media Bias
• Political Science: Media Bias and Presidential Candidates
• Competition and Commercial Media Bias
• Media Bias and Its Influence on News: Reporting the News Article Analysis
• Power of Media Framing – Framing Impact on Media Bias
• Media Bias and Conflicting Ideas
• Detecting Media Bias and Propaganda
• Media Bias and the Effect of Patriotism on Baseball Viewership
• Good News and Bad News: Evidence of Media Bias in Unemployment Reports
• Media Industries and Media Bias: How They Work Together
• More Ads, More Revs: A Note on Media Bias in Review Likelihood
• News Consumption and Media Bias
• Media Bias and the Persistence of the Expectation Gap: An Analysis of Press Articles on Corporate Fraud
• Public Opinion, Polling, Media Bias, and the Electoral College
• Media Bias and Electoral Competition
• Information Gatekeeping, Indirect Lobbying, and Media Bias
• Conservative and Liberal Media Bias
• Media Bias: Politics, Reputation, and Public Influence
• Law and Legal Definition of Media Bias
• Primetime Spin: Media Bias and Belief Confirming Information
• Media Bias and the Current Situation of Reporting News and Facts in America
• Framing the Right Suspects: Measuring Media Bias
• Media Bias and Its Economic Impact
• When Advertisers Have Bargaining Power – Media Bias
• Media Bias and the Lack of Reporting on Minority Missing Persons
• Critical Thinking vs. Media Bias
• Social Connectivity, Media Bias, and Correlation Neglect
• The Difference Between Media Bias and Media Corruption
• Media Bias and How It Affects Society
• Does Foreign Media Entry Discipline or Provoke Local Media Bias?
• What Are the Main Issues of Media Bias?
• How Does Media Bias Affect Campaigns?
• Does Foreign Media Entry Tempers Government Media Bias?
• What Is Media Bias in News Reporting?
• How Does Media Bias Affect the World?
• What Is the Difference Between Media Bias and Media Propaganda?
• Is Media Bias Bad for Democracy?
• How Do Issue Coverage and Media Bias Affect Voter Perceptions of Elections?
• What Are Some of the Most Prominent Examples of Media Bias in Politics?
• Does Media Bias Affect Public Opinion?
• What Are the Reasons for Which Bias in Media Is Necessary?
• Is There a Difference Between Media Bias and Fake News?
• What Are the Different Types of Media Bias?
• How Does Media Bias Affect Our Society?
• Why Is Media Bias Unavoidable in Modern Society?
• How Does Liberal Media Bias Distort the American Mind?
• What Is the Effect of the Economic Development and Market Competition on Media Bias in China?
• Is There a Relationship Between Media Bias and Reporting Inaccuracies?
• What Are the Effects of Media Bias?
• Are There Any Benefits of Media Bias?
• What Is the Best Way to Deal With Media Bias?
• How to Detect Media Bias and Propaganda?
• Does Media Bias Matter in Elections?
• How Do Media Trust and Media Bias Perception Influence Public Evaluation of the COVID-19 Pandemic in International Metropolises?
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

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Media Bias | Balancing Ethics in Journalism & Reporting

• February 14, 2024 March 31, 2024

Media, as a powerful entity, plays a crucial role in shaping public opinion and perceptions. However, the concept of Media Bias often raises questions about the neutrality and objectivity of news sources. In this article, we delve into the multifaceted phenomenon of Media Bias, exploring its various forms, implications, and real-world examples.

Understanding Media Bias

Media Bias refers to the systematic favouritism or prejudice present in the dissemination of information by news outlets. It can manifest in various forms, affecting the way news stories are framed, sources are selected, and also how language is employed. Recognising Media Bias is essential for media consumers to critically engage with information.

Types of Media Bias

Political bias.

One prevalent form of bias is political bias, where news outlets lean towards a particular political ideology. A classic example is Fox News in the United States, who are often accused of having a conservative, right-wing bias. Conversely, outlets like MSNBC are perceived as having a more liberal, left-wing slant.

Scholars such as Bagdikian (2004) argue that ownership patterns influence political bias. Therefore, media outlets align narratives with the political ideologies of their owners or major shareholders.

Commercial Bias

Commercial interests can also impact media content. Large media conglomerates, driven by profit motives, may prioritise sensationalism over objectivity. This form of bias can be seen in the coverage of celebrity scandals or the emphasis on clickbait headlines to significantly increase online engagement.

McChesney (1999) further explores the impact of corporate ownership on media content, suggesting that profit-driven decisions often compromise journalistic integrity.

Cultural Bias

Cultural perspectives can also root Media Bias, leading to the misrepresentation or underrepresentation of certain groups. For example, in the UK, critics have accused the media of perpetuating stereotypes or overlooking the experiences of minority communities.

The works of Stuart Hall (1980) highlight how cultural biases shape media narratives, influencing public perceptions of race, ethnicity, and identity.

Implications of Media Bias

Shaping public opinion.

Media Bias can significantly influence public opinion by presenting information in a way that aligns with a particular agenda. This shaping of public sentiment is a powerful tool that can sway political views. Thus, influence public policy, and even impact elections.

Trust & Credibility

The presence of bias undermines the trustworthiness of media sources. When consumers perceive a news outlet as having a clear bias, it may therefore lead to scepticism and a decline in confidence. This erosion of trust can have long-term consequences for the media industry.

According to a study by Pew Research Center (2019), only 21% of Americans believe that the media does an excellent job of separating fact from opinion.

Real-Life Examples of Media Bias

Coverage of political events.

During election seasons, Media Bias often comes to the forefront. Thus, influencing the way news stories are reported and candidates are portrayed. A notable example is the analysis conducted by Gentzkow and Shapiro (2010) on the coverage of the 2008 US presidential election. The study found that media outlets exhibited bias in the Framing of news stories, therefore impacting public perceptions of candidates.

In this context, the selection of stories, the language used, and the emphasis placed on certain aspects of candidates’ campaigns can all contribute to a skewed representation. For instance, headlines that focus on a candidate’s personal life rather than their policy proposals may contribute to a distorted view of the political landscape.

Moreover, the phenomenon of Media Bias is not limited to print or broadcast journalism; it extends to social media platforms. Algorithmic biases can result in the creation of Echo Chambers. This is where individuals are exposed to information that aligns with their existing beliefs. Thus, reinforcing ideological bubbles. This creates a fragmented information landscape, further hindering a comprehensive understanding of political events.

Representation of Social Issues

Media Bias also manifests in the representation of social issues, where the framing of stories can significantly impact public opinion. Take the example of coverage related to social movements or protests. Research by Entman (2012) highlights how media framing can shape public understanding of issues such as climate change or immigration.

In cases where media outlets have a particular stance on a social issue, their framing of news stories may subtly convey a predetermined narrative. This can result in the oversimplification or sensationalisation of complex issues. Therefore, fostering a polarised discourse that may not accurately reflect the nuances of the situation.

For instance, during protests, Media Bias can be evident in the choice of images, headlines, and language used to describe the events. Protestors may be portrayed as either heroes or troublemakers, depending on the editorial stance of the outlet. Such framing not only influences public perception but also has broader implications for policy discussions and public discourse.

Addressing Media Bias in the representation of social issues requires a commitment to providing balanced and nuanced coverage. Encouraging journalists to adopt a more comprehensive and objective approach to reporting can also contribute to a more informed and engaged public.

Addressing Media Bias

Media literacy education.

Enhancing Media Literacy is crucial in empowering individuals to identify and navigate Media Bias. Educational programs can teach critical thinking skills, encouraging the public to question sources, evaluate evidence, and also recognise the nuances of media messages.

According to Livingstone (2004), Media Literacy education is essential for developing a discerning audience capable of engaging with media content critically.

Diverse Media Ownership

Promoting diversity in media ownership can contribute to reducing bias. When media outlets represent a variety of perspectives, there is a higher likelihood of presenting a more balanced and nuanced view of events.

Bagdikian (2004) advocates for policies that prevent media consolidation, fostering a media landscape that reflects a plurality of voices.

In summary, Media Bias is a complex and pervasive phenomenon that permeates various aspects of communication. Acknowledging its existence and understanding its implications are crucial for media consumers. By actively engaging with diverse sources, promoting media literacy, and advocating for a pluralistic media landscape, individuals can navigate the intricate web of bias and also make informed decisions about the information they consume.

Bagdikian, B. H. (2004). The New Media Monopoly . Beacon Press.

Entman, R. M. (2012). Scandal and Silence: Media Responses to Presidential Misconduct . Wiley.

Gentzkow, M., & Shapiro, J. M. (2010). What Drives Media Slant? Evidence from U.S. Daily Newspapers . Econometrica, 78(1), 35–71.

Hall, S. (1980). Encoding/Decoding . Culture, Media, Language, 128-138.

Livingstone, S. (2004). Media Literacy and the Challenge of New Information and Communication Technologies . The Communication Review, 7(1), 3-14.

McChesney, R. W. (1999). Rich Media, Poor Democracy: Communication Politics in Dubious Times . University of Illinois Press.

Pew Research Center. (2019). Americans’ Views of the News Media .

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119 Media Bias Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

Inside This Article

Media bias is a hotly debated topic in today's society, with many arguing that the media is not impartial and objective in its reporting. Whether it's through selective reporting, framing, or sensationalism, media bias can shape public opinion and influence political discourse. If you're looking for essay topic ideas on media bias, we've compiled a list of 119 examples to get you started.

• How does media bias affect public perception of political candidates?
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on climate change.
• Is media bias responsible for the rise of fake news?
• Explore how media bias influences coverage of social justice movements.
• How does media bias impact coverage of international conflicts?
• Analyze the role of media bias in the portrayal of minority groups.
• Is media bias a threat to democracy?
• Explore the ways in which media bias affects coverage of healthcare issues.
• Analyze the role of media bias in the coverage of the Black Lives Matter movement.
• How does media bias impact coverage of immigration issues?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of LGBTQ+ issues.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on gun control.
• How does media bias impact coverage of women's rights issues?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of the #MeToo movement.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on police brutality.
• How does media bias impact coverage of the opioid crisis?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of mental health issues.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on income inequality.
• How does media bias impact coverage of environmental issues?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of education issues.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on the COVID-19 pandemic.
• How does media bias impact coverage of technology and privacy issues?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of the economy.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on healthcare reform.
• How does media bias impact coverage of immigration policy?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of national security issues.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on foreign policy.
• How does media bias impact coverage of trade and tariffs?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of corporate influence in politics.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on campaign finance reform.
• How does media bias impact coverage of voter suppression efforts?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of election interference.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on government surveillance.
• How does media bias impact coverage of civil liberties issues?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of police militarization.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on criminal justice reform.
• How does media bias impact coverage of mass incarceration?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of the war on drugs.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on immigration detention.
• How does media bias impact coverage of gun violence?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of domestic terrorism.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on hate crimes.
• How does media bias impact coverage of white supremacy?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of the alt-right.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on extremism.
• How does media bias impact coverage of religious discrimination?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of anti-Semitism.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on Islamophobia.
• How does media bias impact coverage of xenophobia?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of anti-immigrant sentiment.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on refugee crises.
• How does media bias impact coverage of human trafficking?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of child exploitation.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on human rights abuses.
• How does media bias impact coverage of genocide?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of war crimes.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on torture.
• How does media bias impact coverage of police brutality?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of racial profiling.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on systemic racism.
• How does media bias impact coverage of the Black Lives Matter movement?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of white privilege.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on cultural appropriation.
• How does media bias impact coverage of LGBTQ+ rights?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of gender identity.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on marriage equality.
• How does media bias impact coverage of transgender issues?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of conversion therapy.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on reproductive rights.
• How does media bias impact coverage of abortion access?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of contraceptive rights.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on sexual harassment.
• How does media bias impact coverage of the #MeToo movement?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of workplace discrimination.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on equal pay.
• How does media bias impact coverage of parental leave policies?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of childcare issues.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on family planning.
• How does media bias impact coverage of domestic violence?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of intimate partner abuse.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on stalking.
• How does media bias impact coverage of cyberbullying?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of online harassment.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on hate speech.
• How does media bias impact coverage of free speech issues?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of censorship.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on political correctness.
• How does media bias impact coverage of cancel culture?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of deplatforming.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on online activism.
• How does media bias impact coverage of social media regulation?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of internet privacy.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on data security.
• How does media bias impact coverage of online surveillance?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of government transparency.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on whistleblower protection.
• How does media bias impact coverage of corporate corruption?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of white-collar crime.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on financial regulation.
• How does media bias impact coverage of tax evasion?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of regulatory capture.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on lobbying.
• How does media bias impact coverage of campaign finance?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of dark money.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on political influence.
• How does media bias impact coverage of election interference?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of foreign meddling.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on misinformation.
• How does media bias impact coverage of propaganda?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of disinformation.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on conspiracy theories.
• How does media bias impact coverage of fake news?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of information warfare.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on cyberwarfare.
• How does media bias impact coverage of online radicalization?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of extremist groups.
• Analyze the role of media bias in shaping public opinion on hate groups.
• How does media bias impact coverage of domestic terrorism?
• Explore the ways in which media bias influences coverage of violent extremism.

These essay topic ideas provide a starting point for exploring the complex and multifaceted issue of media bias. Whether you're interested in politics, social issues, or technology, there's a wealth of material to delve into when it comes to media bias. So pick a topic that interests you, conduct thorough research, and present a well-reasoned argument in your essay. Good luck!

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29 Theories of Media Bias

S. Robert Lichter (Ph.D., Harvard University) is Professor of Communication at George Mason University, where he also directs the Center for Media and Public Affairs, which conducts scientific studies of the news and entertainment media, and the Statistical Assessment Service (STATS), which works to improve the quality of statistical and scientific information in public discourse. The author or co-author of over a dozen books and numerous scholarly and popular articles on the media, he has also served on the faculties of Yale, Princeton, Columbia, Georgetown, and George Washington universities.

• Published: 02 September 2014
• This version: April 2018

Updated in this version:

Additional citations and minor updates in text.

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Ideological or partisan media bias is widely debated despite disagreement about its meaning, measurement, and impact. The assumption that news should be objective is itself the object of considerable debate. Assertions of a conservative or establishment bias in the news often draw on critical theory, which argues that news preserves the hegemony of society’s ruling interests. Assertions of liberal bias draw on surveys of journalists’ attitudes and content analyses of news coverage. This case has recently been bolstered by economic modeling. However, numerous content analytic studies have failed to find a liberal bias. This has led to efforts to explain public perceptions of liberal bias in terms of cognitive psychology and elite manipulation. Other explanations include structural biases and media negativism. Internet-driven changes in journalism, including an increase in partisan news, may force a rethinking of the entire debate or even render it irrelevant.

Media bias is a concept the widespread use of which belies equally widespread disagreement about its meaning, measurement, and impact. Although the concept is debated by scholars and the general public alike, academic and public opinion often diverge in the meanings ascribed to the term and the conclusions drawn about its nature and prevalence. In academic circles, media bias is referenced more often as a hypothesis to explain patterns of news coverage than as a component of any fully elaborated theory of political communication. Indeed, Entman (2007 , 163) recently bemoaned its status as a “curiously undertheorized staple of public discourse about the media … bias is yet to be defined clearly, let alone received much serious empirical attention.” At least partly owing to these difficulties, the center of gravity in bias research has moved in recent years from the communication and political science disciplines toward economics.

Although studies have examined it in many countries, the most concentrated empirical research on the topic has taken place in the United States ( Kaid and Stromback, 2008 ), reflecting the predominance of empirical social scientific perspectives as well as the historical development of political journalism in this country. The US commercial media system, which functions relatively free of state control and has its own professional norms, was the originator of “objective” journalism and remains its chief expositor, however objectivity is defined ( Rothman, 1992 ; Starr, 2004 ). With the loosening or breakup of government control over electronic media through deregulation in recent decades, many European journalists now seek to emulate the American model, although the European conception of journalism as a literary narrative still functions as a countervailing tradition ( Hallin and Mancini, 2004 ; Kaplan, 2009 ; Donsbach and Klett, 1993 ).

The discussion that follows deals with broad-based efforts to characterize media bias in political or ideological terms, rather than with regard to specific characteristics such as nationality, race, religion, gender, and sexual preference, or in particular political controversies such as abortion, gun control, or abortion rights. However, negativity or bad news bias is included because it is often presented as an alternative explanation for findings differently characterized as ideological or partisan bias. Where partisans may see a bias against their side, it is argued, the negative coverage may actually reflect a more general tendency to criticize all sides.

Objectivity and Bias

Charges of media bias draw their strength from the widespread assumption that the media should be unbiased or objective, particularly in their treatment of politics and public issues. To be sure, there are coexisting traditions, such as “watchdog” journalism, enterprise or investigative reporting, interpretive journalism, literary journalism, advocacy journalism, and most recently, civic journalism. Since the early twentieth century, however, American journalism has staked its claim to professionalism and social service primarily on the separation of facts and values in reporting ( Schudson, 2001 ). Objectivity has become a core professional value in other countries among independent media as well, although it is interpreted somewhat differently in other national and cultural settings ( Donsbach and Klett, 1993 ).

The development of an objectivity standard in American journalism has often been explained in terms of technological advances and changing economic incentives that occurred during the nineteenth century ( Shaw, 1967 ; Stensaas, 1986 ; cf. Carey, 1989 ). However, Schudson (2001 , 158) has argued against “economic and technological reductionism” in explaining the rise of objectivity. Instead he distinguishes between objectivity as a journalistic practice, on the one hand, and a professional norm, on the other. The adoption of objectivity as an industry standard was part of a broader societal trend toward rationalization and professionalization ( Schudson, 1978 , 122). Journalists thereby established their professional integrity by distinguishing themselves from the partisan manipulation of information involved in propaganda and public relations ( Kaplan, 2009 ).

From the outset, however, there has been a stream of criticism against the adoption of objectivity as a journalistic norm. It has been described as an unattainable ideal, a subjective convention, and a mask for personal or political interests (and in that sense, itself a form of political bias) ( Tuchman, 1972 ; Schiller, 1981 ; Mindich, 1998 ; Overholzer, 2004 ). Nonetheless, mainstream American journalism is still usually measured against some standard of dispassionate information-based reportage, which exhibits a concern for fairness, balance, and impartiality ( Schudson, 2001 ).

As a result, bias is frequently conceptualized negatively, as the absence of one or more of these conditions. The term is variously used to refer to distortions of reality, favoritism or one-sidedness in presenting controversies, and closed-minded or partisan attitudes. In the process, it has been treated both as an independent variable in explaining the character of news coverage and a dependent variable to be explained by the news production process.

Scholars accounting for the sources of bias have emphasized the capitalistic system and associated market structures within which the media operate; the ownership and management of news organizations; organizational dynamics within those organizations; and the norms, values, and attitudes of journalists. Although studies of the nature of bias cover a wide range of material, they focus primarily on political ideology or partisanship, negativism, and various structural elements built into operational definitions of news.

Much of the literature criticizes such biases for favoring the existing power structure, hindering civic participation or democratic outcomes, and failing to provide audiences with the information they need to make rational decisions about public affairs. Television has been the leading target of such criticism, but it frequently extends to other media as well. The dramatic changes in communication introduced by digital media in recent years pose a special challenge to theories of bias, as news becomes more malleable, interactive, and audience driven.

Structural (Nonideological) Biases

The debate over bias usually concerns the media’s putative ideological or partisan tilt. However, it is often treated in a much broader context, as any deviation from an objective account of reality. This approach dismisses claims of objectivity as either irrelevant or an impediment to a real understanding of media content. Insofar as news is a specific form of discourse, any of its characteristics can be seen as bias. Such biases are often cast as structural, either to indicate that they are inherent in news or to distinguish them from political or ideological biases.

There is little agreement on the nature and derivation of structural biases. They may be traced to the effects of the economic marketplace, governmental pressures or regulation, organizational processes, and the professional norms and opinions of individuals who construct the news. For example, Cline (2009) includes the following in a lengthy list of structural biases: commercial bias, temporal bias, visual bias (for television), bad news bias, narrative bias, status quo bias, fairness bias, expediency bias, class bias, and glory bias (tendency to glorify the reporter). There is a case to be made for the existence of all these biases. As this example shows, however, listing structural biases can easily become an exercise in taxonomy, with possible overlap among categories. Moreover, the open-endedness of such exercises makes theory building problematic.

Nonetheless, researchers have found that particular structural elements can prove crucial to explaining both the content and effects of news stories. For example, Iyengar (1994) found that in experimental settings, television’s tendency to frame events episodically led viewers to see individuals rather than society as responsible for social problems depicted, while thematic framing produced the opposite effect. More generally, Bennett (2004) argues that the news often creates an illusory portrait of the world, which stems from production biases such as skewed patterns of sourcing, including reliance on official sources, and with content biases toward creating dramatic, fragmented, personalized, and order-restorative depictions of reality.

Conservative Bias: The Critical Tradition

Many scholars have criticized the media for impeding social change and serving powerful interests. But the notion of a conservative media bias is most fully integrated into the tradition of critical theory. This approach treats news as an ideological product that shapes mass consciousness in a manner that preserves the hegemony of society’s ruling interests. A major component of this argument involves the corporate ownership and control of the commercial news organizations that dominate the media landscape, particularly in the United States.

The most influential scholarship in this area is Bagdikian’s (2004) work detailing the ever-increasing concentration of the media industry. In Bagdikian’s view, owners and advertisers shape the news both directly and indirectly, through structural biases linked to news production. Such biases include professional routines that define news in terms that favor the rich and powerful, for example, through an overreliance on official sources and beats, which marginalizes dissenting voices and activities.

The most prominent expositor of this tradition, Robert McChesney, argues that the declining quality of contemporary journalism in the United States is ultimately rooted in the political economy of American capitalism ( McChesney, 2008 ). This view sees the media as a government-sanctioned oligopoly whose misinformation serves corporate interests, rather than providing the tools for public enlightenment and emancipation ( McChesney, 2004a ). The result is the suppression or constriction of genuine debate by the dominant media firms, which trivializes and marginalizes opposition to the status quo ( McChesney, 2004b ). Professions of objectivity merely serve to divert attention from the fact that news is an ideological expression of economic interests.

While analysts such as McChesney and Hackett (1986 ; Hackett and Zhao, 1998 ) stay close to the neo-Marxist origins of this tradition ( Jay, 1996 ), its most widely known formulation is Herman and Chomsky’s (1995) propaganda model. This model treats the media as a filtering mechanism that distorts reality in a manner that serves ruling elite interests by “manufacturing consent.” The original model identified five filters—ownership, advertising, sourcing, flak (media criticism), and anticommunism. Today the war on terror increasingly serves as the ideological equivalent of anticommunism ( Mullen, 2009 ).

Critical theory treats the media primarily as agents of social control. However, some scholars writing from a critical perspective regard journalists less as passive corporate lapdogs and more as guard dogs who sometimes criticize the powers that be, but spring into action to protect the system whenever a serious threat to its stability arises ( Olien, Donohue, and Tichenor, 1995 ).

Recent empirical studies have produced a more variegated portrait of the media’s social role as sometimes accommodating the needs of alternative and challenging groups ( Demers, 2009 ). For example, Pollock (2007) found that local newspaper coverage, while often tilting along an “axis of inequality,” sometimes reflected the claims and interests of vulnerable and marginalized groups, rather than reinforcing inequality and elite privilege.

Notwithstanding such empirical studies, and despite its highly developed theoretical elaboration, critical theory’s frequent institutional locus, reliance on case studies, fusion of analysis with prescription, and own set of journals oriented toward critical theory and cultural studies, have sometimes led it along a separate track from much of the empirical communication literature,. However, it also provides a backdrop for many other criticisms of media conservatism or status quo bias (e.g., as sexist, racist, nationalistic, etc.) that are not necessarily grounded in a formal theoretical structure ( Hardt, 1992 ). Finally, some scholars, such as Bennett, have tried to find a middle ground between the critical tradition and a pluralist tradition that upholds the importance of objectivity as a journalistic norm ( Bennett and Lawrence, 1995 ).

The Liberal Bias Debate

At the opposite end of the spectrum from the critical approach, which treats journalism as an intervening variable in the political process, are theories that portray news bias as an expression of the manifest or latent ideologies of journalists. This view is usually encountered in the context of popular media criticism from the political Right, which often takes as its starting point the political liberalism or Democratic-leaning voting patterns of major media journalists ( Rusher, 1988 ; Goldberg, 2002 ; Bozell, 2004 ).

Attitudes vs. Content

The personal liberalism of journalists has been demonstrated by numerous surveys, which also show that liberal perspectives are most pronounced at prominent media outlets and on social and cultural issues ( Lerner, Nagai, and Rothman, 1996 ; Kohut, 2004 ; Weaver et al., 2006 ; Noyes, 2008 ; Mayer, 2011 ). These findings hold for editors as well as reporters, although not necessarily for newspaper publishers ( Media Research Center, 1998 ; Neuwirth, 1998 ).

Based partly on this evidence, Rothman ( 1979 , 1992 ) posited that the national media represent the emergence of a postindustrial elite whose post-bourgeois values (Inglehart, 1971 , 1977 ) place them at odds with traditional elites such as business and the military (cf. Bell, 1973 , 1976 ). Lichter, Rothman, and Lichter (1990) combined survey data with content analysis to argue that journalists unconsciously project their shared, predominantly liberal, assumptions onto their coverage.

The existence of unconscious partisan biases operating in news judgments was supported by a multinational study by Patterson and Donsbach (1996) . With few exceptions ( Kuypers, 2002 ; Groseclose, 2011 ), however, neither the methodology nor the conclusions of this approach have been adopted by most media scholars. Few scholars have disputed the predominance of liberal attitudes among journalists, although there are exceptions here as well ( Croteau, 1998 ). Based on a participant-observation study of network news organizations, Gans (1980) concluded that the news reflects a set of “enduring values” held by journalists, which include ethnocentrism, altruistic democracy, responsible capitalism, small-town pastoralism, individualism, moderatism, the desirability of social order, and the need for national leadership. Gans located the origin of these values in the early twentieth-century Progressive movement.

Most important, communication scholars have largely failed to find liberal bias in places where one would expect to see it, such as coverage of presidential campaigns and political institutions. For example, Niven’s (2002) comparison of the tone of coverage of similar objectively measurable conditions, such as unemployment and murder rates, under Democratic and Republican administrations at different levels of government found no consistent evidence of partisan favoritism in the reports.

Similarly, in a widely cited meta-analysis, D’Alessio and Allen (2000) examined the content analysis literature evaluating presidential campaign news over several decades. They found no consistent bias toward either Democratic or Republican candidates in three areas: gatekeeping bias (selecting stories that favor one party over the other), coverage bias (the amount of coverage of each party), and statement bias (the valence or tone of coverage).

Finally, any consideration of the major media’s ideological tilt must take into account the importance of two sources of overtly conservative perspectives on the news: talk radio and Fox News Channel ( Alterman, 2003 ; DellaVigna and Kaplan, 2006 ; Jamieson and Cappella, 2008 ). Their commercial success spawned liberal counterparts such as the now defunct Air America radio network and MSNBC’s shift to more liberally oriented programming ( Oravec, 2005 ; Terwilliger, McCarthy, and Lamkin, 2011 ).

Increase in Partisanship

The effect of this shift toward more partisan news has been demonstrated by numerous content analyses. For example, in the 2008 general election MSNBC’s coverage of Barack Obama was more positive, and Fox News’s coverage was more negative, than the broadcast networks’ coverage ( Pew Research Center, 2008 ). Similarly, during the 2004 election the broadcast network coverage favored Kerry, while Fox News coverage favored Bush ( Pew Research Center, 2005 ).

The development of avowedly partisan electronic media organs may be part of a broader tendency in recent years for news outlets to become more opinionated. For example, in a study covering a decade of newspaper coverage, Puglisi and Snyder (2011) found that Democratic-leaning newspapers (as defined by their editorial endorsements) gave more coverage to scandals involving Republican politicians than scandals involving Democratic politicians, while Republican-leaning newspapers did the opposite, with the average partisan leanings of readers held constant. Similarly, pro-Democratic newspapers systematically gave more coverage to high unemployment during Republican administrations, while pro-Republican newspapers again showed the opposite pattern ( Larcinese, Puglisi, and Snyder, 2011 ). Thus, one recent literature review went so far as to predict “a return to an era when news organizations explicitly identified themselves as favoring one party over another” ( Groeling, 2013 , 151).

Alternate Approaches

The lack of evidence of consistently liberal media bias had led to efforts to understand the widespread and growing public perception to the contrary ( Media Research Center, 2011 ) through the lens of cognitive psychology, by applying concepts such as the hostile media phenomenon, biased attribution, and the third-person effect ( Davison, 1983 ; Vallone, Ross, and Lepper, 1985 ). The central point is that people’s perceptions of media bias are shaped more by their own perspectives than by actual media content ( Dalton, Beck, and Huckfeldt, 1998 ). The public’s increasing belief in liberal media bias has also been explained as the product of a rhetorical strategy of conservative political elites seeking to gain a partisan advantage by delegitimizing the media ( Domke et al., 1999 ). More generally, Ladd (2012) argues that public hostility toward the media, regardless of its presumed political tilt, can be attributed to the growing partisanship of political debate (cf. Prior, 2013 ).

However, debate over the media’s putative liberal tilt was recently rekindled by the work of Groseclose and Milyo ( 2005a , 2005b ). Their novel methodology involved arraying media outlets along a left-to-right ideological spectrum, according to the ideological valence of activist groups and think tanks cited in news stories. Then they applied the same exercise to congressional speeches and matched the two lists. This procedure located most major media outlets to the left of the average member of Congress. Their conclusion that this finding demonstrates liberal media bias proved immediately controversial and has stimulated continuing debate ( Gasper, 2011 ; Groseclose, 2011 ).

In addition, the controversy has been kept alive in recent years by an accumulating body of research done by economists, some of which appear to support the notion of a liberal bias. However, this research is sufficiently distinctive in both its theoretical orientation and its methodology to warrant separate consideration.

Economic Models of Bias

In recent years economists have played a growing role in developing new models of media bias based on supply and demand. Despite its increasing prominence in scholarly journals, much of this interest is barely a decade old. Pioneering work by Hamilton (2004) showed that such recent changes in journalism as increased negativism and soft news, as well as an ideological tilt, could be at least partly explained as responses to changing economic incentives, many of them produced by technological advances. The fact that audiences gravitate toward news that reflects their own views (and regard news sources that challenge their views as biased) gains importance in this context, because maximum utility assumes the best match between the supply and demand sides.

Thus, a news consumer’s utility from seeking out news is maximized by matching the consumer’s own perspective (the demand side) with that of the news source (the supply side). As Hamilton (2004 , 73) put it, “Political bias in media content is similar to product differentiation.” For example, he argues that a liberal perspective on television news on issues such as crime and education may reflect the marginal utility to the networks of increasing viewership among young females, who share both an interest in these issues and a liberal perspective on them.

Hamilton’s cross-disciplinary work has gained a wide audience among communications scholars. There has been less cross-pollination of other recent economic research, much of which aims at developing models that explain bias (or its absence) in terms of maximizing profitability. For example, Gentzkow and Shapiro (2008) argue that competition in the news market should lower bias, by providing consumers with feedback on inaccurate and distorted reporting (as in cities with competing newspapers). Alternatively, Mullainathan and Shleifer (2005) claim that competition is more likely to increase bias, by producing market segmentation along the lines of consumers’ own biases (as it has among the cable news networks). These studies have so far produced no overall consensus among economists on media bias, and some find a general partisan bias, with conservative outlets differing from liberal outlets in their coverage of the same phenomena ( Agirdas, 2015 ). However, those that do impute one-sided bias tend to locate it to the left of center, not by ideological intention but from market incentives ( Puglisi, 2011 ; cf. Sutter, 2001 ). For example, in a theoretical supply-side approach, Baron (2006) argued that profit-maximizing news organizations have an incentive to permit biased reporting because it is most efficient to employ journalists who define career advancement partly in terms of promoting their own worldviews. Since US journalists lean toward the left in the aggregate, so will news coverage. In an empirical demand-side approach, Gentzkow and Shapiro (2006) arrayed newspapers according to their use of politically charged phrases (such as “death tax” or “workers’ rights”) that matched those preferred by Democratic or Republican legislators. They found that the average newspaper’s language was on the center-left, which was also close to the profit-maximizing point. Puglisi and Snyder (2015) concluded that US newspapers were balanced relative to the median voter; however, this overall balance conceals a leftward tilt on social issues and a rightward tilt on economic ones. Along with the Groseclose-Milyo study, economic studies such as these have rekindled the liberal bias debate, which had seemed all but settled among communications researchers. Some of these studies rely on assumptions that may not reflect real-world conditions, and others may use imperfect measures of tone. Nonetheless, this work provides a fresh perspective that may further enrich this area of inquiry by stimulating new interdisciplinary approaches. Most important, they provide a new way of conceptualizing and empirically addressing these questions. Thus, Gentzkow, Shapiro, and Stone (2014) recently organized this growing body of work into a theoretical framework from the perspective of economic theory. Similarly, McCarthy and Dolfsma (2014) reviewed the empirical literature across disciplines and argued that media bias is both real and significant.

Media Negativity

Theories of media negativism provide an alternative to those of ideological bias, while retaining a focus on journalists’ personal attitudes and professional norms as causal agents. In line with the literature on cognitive distortions cited above, this concept also helps to explain the increase in public perceptions of media bias. With all else being equal, we would expect news consumers to be more likely to attribute negative media evaluations of their preferred policies and candidates to bias, while accepting negative evaluations of opposing policies and candidates as accurate reflections of reality. However, news coverage can still favor one candidate, officeholder, or policy over another, despite having an overall negative tone ( Council for Excellence in Government, 2003 ; Farnsworth and Lichter, 2011 ).

In an early study, Robinson ( 1975 , 1976 ) used the term “videomalaise” to describe the alienating effects of negative television news coverage of public affairs. However, media negativity first attracted sustained attention from scholars during the 1990s, as numerous studies suggested that negatively toned coverage was increasing, with detrimental effects on public discourse and civic engagement ( Smoller, 1990 ; Patterson, 1993 ; Cappella and Jamieson, 1996 ; Just et al., 1996 ; Fallows, 1997 ). A parallel stream of research traced the increasing willingness of news organizations to focus on scandals involving the personal behavior of political actors and to adopt a prosecutorial style of coverage ( Garment, 1991 ; Sabato, 1991 ; Kalb, 2001 ; Sabato et al., 2001 ).

Patterson (1993) argued that the political controversies of the 1960s and 1970s led journalists to play a more active role in politics, especially in presidential election campaigns. Instead of only reporting on candidate activities, journalists saw their new role as protecting the public from candidates’ efforts to deceive them. This gave campaign coverage an increasingly negative tone. It also led journalists to become a kind of third force in American politics, criticizing both major political parties in ways that increased the influence of journalists vis-à-vis politicians. Patterson (2000) later extended this criticism to coverage of government and public affairs.

Jamieson and her colleagues argued that the problem was not only negativism but cynicism, which included the use of strategic or conflict-oriented frames (Cappella and Jamieson 1996 , 1997 ; Jamieson and Waldman 2003 ). The concept of strategic frames is analogous to what Patterson (1996) termed the media’s “game schema.” The cynicism of strategic framing lies in its implication that politicians’ rhetoric and behavior can be reduced to strategies of gaining power.

Jamieson and Cappella (1995) used experimental data to show how strategy frames produced a more cynical interpretation of politics than did issue frames. This could occur not only in campaign discourse but also in policy debates. For example, the debate over President Bill Clinton’s health-care reform plan illustrated how strategic reporting can make people cynical about public policy. Cappella and Jamieson (1997) concluded that the media were creating a “spiral of cynicism,” in which cynical media portrayals of politics led audiences to view politics in a more cynical manner.

These theories of media negativism were criticized by Norris ( 2000a , 2000b ), who argued that the effect of media exposure depends on the previous levels of trust and political engagement among audience members. Based on survey data from the United States and Western Europe, she argued that politically trusting and engaged individuals seek out more media coverage, which increases their trust and engagement. Norris termed this a “virtuous circle.”

Later studies have focused on how the process is affected by differences in types of media exposure and audience characteristics, such as partisan affiliation and level of trust. The most recent research suggests that the spiral of cynicism exists most clearly for the television news audience, harking back to Robinson’s early theory of videomalaise ( Moy and Pfau, 2000 ; Valentino, Beckmann, and Buhr, 2001 ; Mutz and Reeves, 2005 ; Avery, 2009 ).

The debate over media bias has drawn on a wide range of theories and methods. The tradition of critical theory has produced a rich literature that portrays the news media as a conservative force in politics. To some degree, however, this conclusion is built into the theory itself. Conversely, much popular media criticism has posited that journalists’ personal attitudes produce a liberal tilt in their coverage. Most scholarly studies have failed to support this conclusion, however, and the increasing public perception of liberal media bias has been linked to audience biases and strategic efforts by conservative elites. However, recent studies have rekindled this debate, while attributing biased coverage to economic incentives rather than journalists’ mindsets. Finally, negativity bias provides a well-documented alternative explanation for perceptions of ideological bias in the news. However, negativity bias and ideological bias are not necessarily exclusive.

Thus, the question of whether the media have an ideological bias and, if so, in what direction it tilts is unlikely to be settled soon. In addition to competing approaches and conceptual differences, the development of theory has been slowed by the absence of agreed-upon metrics to measure bias. Much of the empirical research is based on content analyses of how individual issues or topics are covered, which do not permit generalizations about broader patterns of coverage. However, a number of approaches in recent years have sought to provide more systematic measures. These include comparisons of news coverage with measures of real-world conditions, such as economic indicators or crime rates, and attempts to link certain components of news stories, such as journalists’ choice of language and citation of sources, with their counterparts in the realm of partisan politics. Other approaches that have facilitated a broader perspective include meta-analysis and computer-assisted content analysis of “big data,” which vastly extend the scope of media outlets and genres that are examined ( Pew Research Center, 2012 ; Soroka, 2012 ).

Another ongoing problem for this field lies in sorting out levels of analysis, based on competing explanations from different schools of thought. The same phenomenon may be explained differently in terms of alternative explanatory frameworks. For example, negativity bias has been interpreted as a product of journalists’ professional norms, an antipolitical progressive ideology, a watchdog mentality, and a conscious or unconscious response to economic incentives (cf. Schudson, 2007 ). Particular issues may be sorted out piecemeal, but there is currently little prospect of a fusion of theoretical approaches.

It may be that the ideologically relevant characteristics are overdetermined and cannot be broken out into separate, mutually exclusive components. Or previous research strategies may not have been sophisticated or inclusive enough. Entman (2007) takes a positive step by arguing that bias should be treated in the context of theories of media influence based on framing, priming, and agenda setting. Uses and gratifications theory, with its focus on active audience, may prove equally important in understanding the sources and dynamics of bias in the next generation of news media.

The digital revolution also poses a special challenge to theories of media bias. It is possible to overstate the impact of the Internet on the creation and distribution of news. For example, among the twenty-five most heavily trafficked news sites, twenty-two are those of legacy media or aggregators that rely heavily on traditional news organizations ( Pew Research Center, 2011 ). Nonetheless, the study of media bias faces considerable hurdles in adapting to a media environment in which it is increasingly difficult to distinguish the journalists from the audience. News and opinion are becoming more difficult to disentangle, even as the dissemination of news becomes more interactive and user driven. Thus, a field of inquiry that is already characterized by great theoretical and methodological diversity faces new challenges in dealing with a media landscape that has a rapidly changing topography.

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Should you trust media bias charts?

These controversial charts claim to show the political lean and credibility of news organizations. here’s what you need to know about them..

Impartial journalism is an impossible ideal. That is, at least, according to Julie Mastrine.

“Unbiased news doesn’t exist. Everyone has a bias: everyday people and journalists. And that’s OK,” Mastrine said. But it’s not OK for news organizations to hide those biases, she said.

“We can be manipulated into (a biased outlet’s) point of view and not able to evaluate it critically and objectively and understand where it’s coming from,” said Mastrine, marketing director for AllSides , a media literacy company focused on “freeing people from filter bubbles.”

That’s why she created a media bias chart.

As readers hurl claims of hidden bias towards outlets on all parts of the political spectrum, bias charts have emerged as a tool to reveal pernicious partiality.

Charts that use transparent methodologies to score political bias — particularly the AllSides chart and another from news literacy company Ad Fontes Media — are increasing in popularity and spreading across the internet. According to CrowdTangle, a social media monitoring platform, the homepages for these two sites and the pages for their charts have been shared tens of thousands of times.

But just because something is widely shared doesn’t mean it’s accurate. Are media bias charts reliable?

Why do media bias charts exist?

Traditional journalism values a focus on news reporting that is fair and impartial, guided by principles like truth, verification and accuracy. But those standards are not observed across the board in the “news” content that people consume.

Tim Groeling, a communications professor at the University of California Los Angeles, said some consumers take too much of the “news” they encounter as impartial.

When people are influenced by undisclosed political bias in the news they consume, “that’s pretty bad for democratic politics, pretty bad for our country to have people be consistently misinformed and think they’re informed,” Groeling said.

If undisclosed bias threatens to mislead some news consumers, it also pushes others away, he said.

“When you have bias that’s not acknowledged, but is present, that’s really damaging to trust,” he said.

Kelly McBride, an expert on journalism ethics and standards, NPR’s public editor and the chair of the Craig Newmark Center for Ethics and Leadership at Poynter, agrees.

“If a news consumer doesn’t see their particular bias in a story accounted for — not necessarily validated, but at least accounted for in a story — they are going to assume that the reporter or the publication is biased,” McBride said.

The growing public confusion about whether or not news outlets harbor a political bias, disclosed or not, is fueling demand for resources to sort fact from otherwise — resources like these media bias charts.

Bias and social media

Mastrine said the threat of undisclosed biases grows as social media algorithms create filter bubbles to feed users ideologically consistent content.

Could rating bias help? Mastrine and Vanessa Otero, founder of the Ad Fontes media bias chart, think so.

“It’ll actually make it easier for people to identify different perspectives and make sure they’re reading across the spectrum so that they get a balanced understanding of current events,” Mastrine said.

Otero said bias ratings could also be helpful to advertisers.

“There’s this whole ecosystem of online junk news, of polarizing misinformation, these clickbaity sites that are sucking up a lot of ad revenue. And that’s not to the benefit of anybody,” Otero said. “It’s not to the benefit of the advertisers. It’s not to the benefit of society. It’s just to the benefit of some folks who want to take advantage of people’s worst inclinations online.”

Reliable media bias ratings could allow advertisers to disinvest in fringe sites.

Groeling, the UCLA professor, said he could see major social media and search platforms using bias ratings to alter the algorithms that determine what content users see. Changes could elevate neutral content or foster broader news consumption.

But he fears the platforms’ sweeping power, especially after Facebook and Twitter censored a New York Post article purporting to show data from a laptop belonging to Hunter Biden, the son of President-elect Joe Biden. Groeling said social media platforms failed to clearly communicate how and why they stopped and slowed the spread of the article.

“(Social media platforms are) searching for some sort of arbiter of truth and news … but it’s actually really difficult to do that and not be a frightening totalitarian,” he said.

Is less more?

The Ad Fontes chart and the AllSides chart are each easy to understand: progressive publishers on one side, conservative ones on the other.

“It’s just more visible, more shareable. We think more people can see the ratings this way and kind of begin to understand them and really start to think, ‘Oh, you know, journalism is supposed to be objective and balanced,’” Mastrine said. AllSides has rated media bias since 2012. Mastrine first put them into chart form in early 2019.

Otero recognizes that accessibility comes at a price.

“Some nuance has to go away when it’s a graphic,” she said. “If you always keep it to, ‘people can only understand if they have a very deep conversation,’ then some people are just never going to get there. So it is a tool to help people have a shortcut.”

But perceiving the chart as distilled truth could give consumers an undue trust in outlets, McBride said.

“Overreliance on a chart like this is going to probably give some consumers a false level of faith,” she said. “I can think of a massive journalistic failure for just about every organization on this chart. And they didn’t all come clean about it.”

The necessity of getting people to look at the chart poses another challenge. Groeling thinks disinterest among consumers could hurt the charts’ usefulness.

“Asking people to go to this chart, asking them to take effort to understand and do that comparison, I worry would not actually be something people would do. Because most people don’t care enough about news,” he said. He would rather see a plugin that detects bias in users’ overall news consumption and offers them differing viewpoints.

McBride questioned whether bias should be the focus of the charts at all. Other factors — accountability, reliability and resources — would offer better insight into what sources of news are best, she said.

“Bias is only one thing that you need to pay attention to when you consume news. What you also want to pay attention to is the quality of the actual reporting and writing and the editing,” she said. It wouldn’t make sense to rate local news sources for bias, she added, because they are responsive to individual communities with different political ideologies.

The charts are only as good as their methodologies. Both McBride and Groeling shared praise for the stated methods for rating bias of AllSides and Ad Fontes , which can be found on their websites. Neither Ad Fontes nor AllSides explicitly rates editorial standards.

The AllSides Chart

(Courtesy: AllSides)

The AllSides chart focuses solely on political bias. It places sources in one of five boxes — “Left,” “Lean Left,” “Center,” “Lean Right” and “Right.” Mastrine said that while the boxes allow the chart to be easily understood, they also don’t allow sources to be rated on a gradient.

“Our five-point scale is inherently limited in the sense that we have to put somebody in a category when, in reality, it’s kind of a spectrum. They might fall in between two of the ratings,” Mastrine said.

That also makes the chart particularly easy to understand, she said.

AllSides has rated more than 800 sources in eight years, focusing on online content only. Ratings are derived from a mix of review methods.

In the blind bias survey, which Mastrine called “one of (AllSides’) most robust bias rating methodologies,” readers from the public rate articles for political bias. Two AllSides staffers with different political biases pull articles from the news sites that are being reviewed. AllSides locates these unpaid readers through its newsletter, website, social media account and other marketing tools. The readers, who self-report their political bias after they use a bias rating test provided by the company, only see the article’s text and are not told which outlet published the piece. The data is then normalized to more closely reflect the composure of America across political groupings.

AllSides also uses “editorial reviews,” where staff members look directly at a source to contribute to ratings.

“That allows us to actually look at the homepage with the branding, with the photos and all that and kind of get a feel for what the bias is, taking all that into account,” Mastrine said.

She added that an equal number of staffers who lean left, right and center conduct each review together. The personal biases of AllSides’ staffers appear on their bio pages . Mastrine leans right.

She clarified that among the 20-person staff, many are part time, 14% are people of color, 38% are lean left or left, 29% are center, and 18% are lean right or right. Half of the staffers are male, half are female.

When a news outlet receives a blind bias survey and an editorial review, both are taken into account. Mastrine said the two methods aren’t weighted together “in any mathematical way,” but said they typically hold roughly equal weight. Sometimes, she added, the editorial review carries more weight.

AllSides also uses “independent research,” which Mastrine described as the “lowest level of bias verification.” She said it consists of staffers reviewing and reporting on a source to make a preliminary bias assessment. Sometimes third-party analyses — including academic research and surveys — are incorporated into ratings, too.

AllSides highlights the specific methodologies used to judge each source on its website and states its confidence in the ratings based on the methods used. In a separate white paper , the company details the process used for its August 2020 blind bias survey.

AllSides sometimes gives separate ratings to different sections of the same source. For example, it rates The New York Times’ opinion section “Left” and its news section “Lean Left.” AllSides also incorporates reader feedback into its system. People can mark that they agree or disagree with AllSides’ rating of a source. When a significant number of people disagree, AllSides often revisits a source to vet it once again, Mastrine said.

The AllSides chart generally gets good reviews, she said, and most people mark that they agree with the ratings. Still, she sees one misconception among the people that encounter it: They think center means better. Mastrine disagrees.

“The center outlets might be omitting certain stories that are important to people. They might not even be accurate,” she said. “We tell people to read across the spectrum.”

To make that easier, AllSides offers a curated “ balanced news feed ,” featuring articles from across the political spectrum, on its website.

AllSides makes money through paid memberships, one-time donations, media literacy training and online advertisements. It plans to become a public benefit corporation by the end of the year, she added, meaning it will operate both for profit and for a stated public mission.

The Ad Fontes chart

(Courtesy: Ad Fontes)

The Ad Fontes chart rates both reliability and political bias. It scores news sources — around 270 now, and an expected 300 in December — using bias and reliability as coordinates on its chart.

The outlets appear on a spectrum, with seven markers showing a range from “Most Extreme Left” to “Most Extreme Right” along the bias axis, and eight markers showing a range from “Original Fact Reporting” to “Contains Inaccurate/Fabricated Info” along the reliability axis.

The chart is a departure from its first version, back when founder Vanessa Otero , a patent attorney, said she put together a chart by herself as a hobby after seeing Facebook friends fight over the legitimacy of sources during the 2016 election. Otero said that when she saw how popular her chart was, she decided to make bias ratings her full-time job and founded Ad Fontes — Latin for “to the source” — in 2018.

“There were so many thousands of people reaching out to me on the internet about this,” she said. “Teachers were using it in their classrooms as a tool for teaching media literacy. Publishers wanted to publish it in textbooks.”

About 30 paid analysts rate articles for Ad Fontes. Listed on the company’s website , they represent a range of experience — current and former journalists, educators, librarians and similar professionals. The company recruits analysts through its email list and references and vets them through a traditional application process. Hired analysts are then trained by Otero and other Ad Fontes staff.

To start review sessions, a group of coordinators composed of senior analysts and the company’s nine staffers pulls articles from the sites being reviewed. They look for articles listed as most popular or displayed most prominently.

Part of the Ad Fontes analyst political bias test. The test asks analysts to rank their political bias on 18 different policy issues.

Ad Fontes administers an internal political bias test to analysts, asking them to rank their left-to-right position on about 20 policy positions. That information allows the company to attempt to create ideological balance by including one centrist, one left-leaning and one right-leaning analyst on each review panel. The panels review at least three articles for each source, but they may review as many as 30 for particularly prominent outlets, like The Washington Post, Otero said. More on their methodology, including how they choose which articles to review to create a bias rating, can be found here on the Ad Fontes website.

When they review the articles, the analysts see them as they appear online, “because that’s how people encounter all content. No one encounters content blind,” Otero said. The review process recently changed so that paired analysts discuss their ratings over video chat, where they are pushed to be more specific as they form ratings, Otero said.

Individual scores for an article’s accuracy, the use of fact or opinion, and the appropriateness of its headline and image combine to create a reliability score. The bias score is determined by the article’s degree of advocacy for a left-to-right political position, topic selection and omission, and use of language.

To create an overall bias and reliability score for an outlet, the individual scores for each reviewed article are averaged, with added importance given to more popular articles. That average determines where sources show up on the chart.

Ad Fontes details its ratings process in a white paper from August 2019.

While the company mostly reviews prominent legacy news sources and other popular news sites, Otero hopes to add more podcasts and video content to the chart in coming iterations. The chart already rates video news channel “ The Young Turks ” (which claims to be the most popular online news show with 250 million views per month and 5 million subscribers on YouTube ), and Otero mentioned she next wants to examine videos from Prager University (which claims 4 billion lifetime views for its content, has 2.84 million subscribers on YouTube and 1.4 million followers on Instagram ). Ad Fontes is working with ad agency Oxford Road and dental care company Quip to create ratings for the top 50 news and politics podcasts on Apple Podcasts, Otero said.

“It’s not strictly traditional news sources, because so much of the information that people use to make decisions in their lives is not exactly news,” Otero said.

She was shocked when academic textbook publishers first wanted to use her chart. Now she wants it to become a household tool.

“As we add more news sources on to it, as we add more data, I envision this becoming a standard framework for evaluating news on at least these two dimensions of reliability and bias,” she said.

She sees complaints about it from both ends of the political spectrum as proof that it works.

“A lot of people love it and a lot of people hate it,” Otero said. “A lot of people on the left will call us neoliberal shills, and then a bunch of people that are on the right are like, ‘Oh, you guys are a bunch of leftists yourselves.’”

The project has grown to include tools for teaching media literacy to school kids and an interactive version of the chart that displays each rated article. Otero’s company operates as a public benefit corporation with a stated public benefit mission: “to make news consumers smarter and news media better.” She didn’t want Ad Fontes to rely on donations.

“If we want to grow with a problem, we have to be a sustainable business. Otherwise, we’re just going to make a small difference in a corner of the problem,” she said.

Ad Fontes makes money by responding to specific research requests from advertisers, academics and other parties that want certain outlets to be reviewed. The company also receives non-deductible donations and operates on WeFunder , a grassroots crowdfunding investment site, to bring in investors. So far, Ad Fontes has raised $163,940 with 276 investors through the site.

Should you use the charts?

Media bias charts with transparent, rigorous methodologies can offer insight into sources’ biases. That insight can help you understand what perspectives sources bring as they share the news. That insight also might help you understand what perspectives you might be missing as a news consumer.

But use them with caution. Political bias isn’t the only thing news consumers should look out for. Reliability is critical, too, and the accuracy and editorial standards of organizations play an important role in sharing informative, useful news.

Media bias charts are a media literacy tool. They offer well-researched appraisals on the bias of certain sources. But to best inform yourself, you need a full toolbox. Check out Poynter’s MediaWise project for more media literacy tools.

This article was originally published on Dec. 14, 2020. 

More about media bias charts

• A media bias chart update puts The New York Times in a peculiar position
• Letter to the editor: What Poynter’s critique misses about the Media Bias Chart

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Firing a single mother of three who was speaking up for more newsroom resources is a horrible look that deserves scrutiny and criticism.

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Opinion | Gannett fired an editor for talking to me

Sarah Leach spoke to Poynter in an attempt to staff up her team. She may have been successful, even if she won't be at Gannett to see it through.

Opinion | Kristi Noem’s media headaches now extend to conservative outlets

The South Dakota governor’s past few days have been so bad that she’s canceling on conservative media. Conservative media might soon cancel on her.

Q&A: HBO Max’s new ‘Girls on the Bus’ set out to show a cool, fun side of journalism

Former New York Times reporter and show co-creator Amy Chozick on how fact inspired fiction, pitfalls she avoided and today’s media environment

Comments are closed.

We are too obsessed with alleged bias and objectivity, which so often is in the biased eye of the beholder. The main standard of good journalism should be verifiable factual accuracy.

Hoping to see a follow-up article about whether we can trust fact checker report card charts created by collecting a fact checker’s subjective ratings.

As a writer for Wonkette, I won’t claim to be objective, but we do like to point out that our rating at Ad Fontes – both farthest to the left and the least reliable, is absurd. Apparently we can’t be trusted at all because we do satirical commentary instead of straight news.

When we’ve attempted to point out to Ms. Otero that we adhere to high standards when it comes to factuality, but we also make jokes, she has replied that satire is inherently untrustworthy and biased, particularly since we sometimes use dirty words.

That seems to us a remarkably biased definition of bias.

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Edfl 3240 - media bias assignment.

• What is Media Bias?
• Fact Checker Approach
• Strong / Weak Argument
• Is it Fake News?
• Resources for Fact Checking

Education Liaison Librarian

What is media bias?

What are Biased or Pro & Con Sources? The authors of pro & con or biased articles, books, or other sources have a specific bias and are trying to persuade the reader of a specific point of view in contrast to most academic articles that typically focus on topics in an objective manner that is meant to inform the reader.

Here are some characteristics of persuasive or biased articles:

• Generally the authors do not state their agenda or tell the reader if they are for or against the topic. The reader has to determine if it is objective or persuasive.
• The authors of these opinion or pro & con articles, books, or other resource may or may not have done research on the topic. The only way to tell is if the authors lists the sources used for their research.
• If there is a list of sources used available, they are generally only those that support the agenda or argument of the author and do include those that support a different point of view.

Bias is " a   particular  tendency ,   trend,  inclination,   feeling,   or  opinion " about someone or something. When we discuss bias in media in the US, we are generally referring to conservative (also known as right) v. liberal  (also known as left)  bias, though there are many more ways to be biased and no one is truly free of bias. 

Bias differs from fake news in that fake news is specifically untrue. Biased sources don't necessarily use lies, they just don't include the whole picture, only using the facts that support their viewpoint. By using only the facts that support their cause they are giving an incomplete and therefore inaccurate picture. 

When it is appropriate to use biased sources for assignments?

Opinion or pro & con articles, books or other resources with bias are ideal to use in argumentative papers or presentations .

They can also be used for informative research assignments, but you have to be more careful so as not to produce an unintentionally biased paper or presentation that is meant to be objective.

Most importantly, you have to be able to recognize if your source is biased and if it is appropriate for your assignment. If you are not sure, ask your instructor.

Material on this page is based on:  COM Library LibGuide https://libguides.com.edu/ https://libguides.com.edu/c.php?g=649909&p=4556558 ]

• Next: Fact Checker Approach >>
• Last Updated: Feb 6, 2024 1:08 PM
• URL: https://guides.library.ucmo.edu/Media_Bias

35 Media Bias Examples for Students

Media bias examples include ideological bias, gotcha journalism, negativity bias, and sensationalism. Real-life situations when they occur include when ski resorts spin snow reports to make them sound better, and when cable news shows like Fox and MSNBC overtly prefer one political party over another (republican and democrat, respectively).

No one is free of all bias. No one is perfectly objective. So, every book, research paper, and article (including this one) is bound to have some form of bias.

The media is capable of employing an array of techniques to modify news stories in favor of particular interests or groups.

While bias is usually seen as a bad thing, and good media outlets try to minimize it as much as possible, at times, it can also be seen as a good thing. For example, a reporter’s bias toward scholarly consensus or a local paper’s bias toward reporting on events relevant to local people makes sense.

Media Bias Definition

Media bias refers to the inherently subjective processes involved in the selection and curation of information presented within media. It can lead to incorrect, inaccurate, incomplete, misleading, misrepresented, or otherwise skewed reporting.

Media bias cannot be fully eliminated. This is because media neutrality has practical limitations, such as the near impossibility of reporting every single available story and fact, the requirement that selected facts must form a coherent narrative, and so on (Newton, 1996).

Types of Media Bias

In a broad sense, there are two main types of media bias . 

• Ideological bias reflects a news outlet’s desire to move the opinions of readers in a particular direction.
• Spin bias reflects a news outlet’s attempt to create a memorable story (Mullainathan & Shleifer, 2002).

These two main types can be divided into many subcategories. The following list offers a more specific classification of different types of media bias:

• Advertising bias occurs when stories are selected or slanted to please advertisers (Eberl et al., 2018).
• Concision bias occurs when conciseness determines which stories are reported and which are ignored. News outlets often report views that can be summarized succinctly, thereby overshadowing views that are more unconventional, difficult to explain, and complex.
• Confirmation bias occurs when media consumers tend to believe those stories, views, and research that confirms their current views and ignore everything else (Groseclose & Milyo, 2005).
• Content bias occurs when two political parties are treated differently and news is biased towards one side (Entman, 2007).
• Coverage bias occurs when the media chooses to report only negative news about one party or ideology (Eberl et al., 2017 & D’Alessio & Allen, 2000)
• Decision-making bias occurs when the motivations, beliefs, and intentions of the journalists have an impact on what they write and how (Entman, 2007).
• Demographic bias occurs when demographic factors, such as race, gender, social status, income, and so on are allowed to influence reporting (Ribeiro et al., 2018).
• Gatekeeping bias occurs when stories are selected or dismissed on ideological grounds (D’Alessio & Allen, 2000). This is sometimes also referred to as agenda bias , selectivity bias (Hofstetter & Buss, 1978), or selection bias (Groeling, 2013). Such bias is often focused on political actors (Brandenburg, 2006).
• Layout bias occurs when an article is placed in a section that is less read so that it becomes less important, or when an article is placed first so that more people read it. This can sometimes be called burying the lead .
• Mainstream bias occurs when a news outlet only reports things that are safe to report and everyone else is reporting. By extension, the news outlet ignores stories and views that might offend the majority.
• Partisan bias occurs when a news outlet tends to report in a way that serves a specific political party (Haselmayer et al., 2017).
• Sensationalism bias occurs when the exceptional, the exciting, and the sensational are given more attention because it is rarer.
• Statement bias occurs when media coverage is slanted in favor of or against specific actors or issues (D’Alessio & Allen, 2000). It is also known as tonality bias (Eberl et al., 2017) or presentation bias (Groeling, 2013).
• Structural bias occurs when an actor or issue receives more or less favorable coverage as a result of newsworthiness instead of ideological decisions (Haselmayer et al., 2019 & van Dalen, 2012).
• Distance bias occurs when a news agency gives more coverage to events physically closer to the news agency than elsewhere. For example, national media organizations like NBC may be unconsciously biased toward New York City news because that is where they’re located.
• Negativity bias occurs because negative information tends to attract more attention and is remembered for a longer time, even if it’s disliked in the moment.
• False balance bias occurs when a news agency attempts to appear balanced by presenting a news story as if the data is 50/50 on the topic, while the data may in fact show one perspective should objectively hold more weight. Climate change is the classic example.

Media Bias Examples

• Ski resorts reporting on snowfall: Ski resorts are biased in how they spin snowfall reporting. They consistently report higher snowfall than official forecasts because they have a supply-driven interest in doing so (Raymond & Taylor, 2021).
• Moral panic in the UK: Cohen (1964) famously explored UK media’s sensationalist reporting about youth subcultural groups as “delinquents”, causing panic among the general population that wasn’t representative of the subcultural groups’ true actions or impact on society.
• Murdoch media in Australia: Former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd consistently reports on media bias in the Murdoch media, highlighting for example, that Murdoch’s papers have endorsed the conservative side of politics (ironically called the Liberals) in 24 out of 24 elections.
• Fox and MSNBC: In the United States, Fox and MSNBC have niched down to report from a right- and left-wing bias, respectively.
• Fog of war: During wartime, national news outlets tend to engage in overt bias against the enemy by reporting extensively on their war crimes while failing to report on their own war crimes.
• Missing white woman syndrome: Sensationalism bias is evident in cases such as missing woman Gabby Petito . The argument of this type of bias is that media tends only to report on missing women when they are white, and neglect to make as much of a fuss about missing Indigenous women.
• First-World Bias in Reporting on Natural Disasters: Scholars have found that news outlets tend to have bias toward reporting on first-world nations that have suffered natural disasters while under-reporting on natural disasters in developing nations, where they’re seen as not newsworthy (Aritenang, 2022; Berlemann & Thomas, 2018).
• Overseas Reporting on US Politics: Sensationalism bias has an effect when non-US nations report on US politics. Unlike other nations’ politics, US politics is heavily reported worldwide. One major reason is that US politics tends to be bitterly fought and lends itself to sensational headlines.
• Click baiting: Media outlets that have moved to a predominantly online focus, such as Forbes and Vice, are biased toward news reports that can be summed up by a sensational headline to ensure they get clicked – this is called “click baiting”.
• Google rankings and mainstream research bias: Google has explicitly put in its site quality rater guidelines a preference for sites that report in ways that reflect “expert consensus”. While this may be seen as a positive way to use bias, it can also push potentially valid alternative perspectives and whistleblowers off the front page of search results.
• False Balance on climate change: Researchers at Northwestern University have highlighted the prevalence of false balance reporting on climate change. They argue that 99% of scientists agree that it is man-made, yet often, news segments have one scientist arguing one side and another arguing another, giving the reporting a perception that it’s a 50-50 split in the scientific debate. In their estimation, an unbiased report would demonstrate the overwhelming amount of scientific evidence supporting one side over the other.
• Negative Unemployment Reports: Garz found that media tend to over-report negative unemployment statistics while under-reporting when unemployment statistics are positive (Garz, 2013).
• Gotcha Journalism: Gotcha journalism involves having journalists go out and actively seek out “gotcha questions” that will lead to sensational headlines. It is a form of bias because it often leads to less reporting on substantive messaging and an over-emphasis on gaffes and disingenuous characterizations of politicians.
• Citizenship bias: When a disaster happens overseas, reporting often presents the number deceased, followed by the number from the news outlet’s company. For example, they might say: “51 dead, including 4 Americans.” This bias, of course, is to try to make the news appear more relevant to their audience, but nonetheless shows a bias toward the audience’s in-group.
• Online indie media bias: Online indie media groups that have shot up on YouTube and social media often have overt biases. Left-wing versions include The Young Turks and The David Pakman Show , while right-wing versions include The Daily Wire and Charlie Kirk .
• Western alienation: In Canada, this phenomenon refers to ostensibly national media outlets like The Globe and Mail having a bias toward news occurring in Toronto and ignoring western provinces, leading to “western alienation”.

The Government’s Role in Media Bias

Governments also play an important role in media bias due to their ability to distribute power.

The most obvious examples of pro-government media bias can be seen in totalitarian regimes, such as modern-day North Korea (Merloe, 2015). The government and the media can influence each other: the media can influence politicians and vice versa (Entman, 2007).

Nevertheless, even liberal democratic governments can affect media bias by, for example, leaking stories to their favored outlets and selectively calling upon their preferred outlets during news conferences.

In addition to the government, the market can also influence media coverage. Bias can be the function of who owns the media outlet in question, who are the media staff, what is the intended audience, what gets the most clicks or sells the most newspapers, and so on. 

Media bias refers to the bias of journalists and news outlets in reporting events, views, stories, and everything else they might cover.

The term usually denotes a widespread bias rather than something specific to one journalist or article.

There are many types of media bias. It is useful to understand the different types of biases, but also recognize that while good reporting can and does exist, it’s almost impossible to fully eliminate biases in reporting.

Aritenang, A. (2022). Understanding international agenda using media analytics: The case of disaster news coverage in Indonesia.  Cogent Arts & Humanities ,  9 (1), 2108200.

Brandenburg, H. (2006). Party Strategy and Media Bias: A Quantitative Analysis of the 2005 UK Election Campaign. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties , 16 (2), 157–178. https://doi.org/10.1080/13689880600716027

D’Alessio, D., & Allen, M. (2000). Media Bias in Presidential Elections: A Meta-Analysis. Journal of Communication , 50 (4), 133–156. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2000.tb02866.x

Eberl, J.-M., Boomgaarden, H. G., & Wagner, M. (2017). One Bias Fits All? Three Types of Media Bias and Their Effects on Party Preferences. Communication Research , 44 (8), 1125–1148. https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650215614364

Eberl, J.-M., Wagner, M., & Boomgaarden, H. G. (2018). Party Advertising in Newspapers. Journalism Studies , 19 (6), 782–802. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2016.1234356

Entman, R. M. (2007). Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power. Journal of Communication , 57 (1), 163–173. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2006.00336.x

Garz, M. (2014). Good news and bad news: evidence of media bias in unemployment reports.  Public Choice ,  161 (3), 499-515.

Groeling, T. (2013). Media Bias by the Numbers: Challenges and Opportunities in the Empirical Study of Partisan News. Annual Review of Political Science , 16 (1), 129–151. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-040811-115123

Groseclose, T., & Milyo, J. (2005). A measure of media bias. The Quarterly Journal of Economics , 120 (4), 1191-1237.

Groseclose, T., & Milyo, J. (2005). A Measure of Media Bias. The Quarterly Journal of Economics , 120 (4), 1191–1237. https://doi.org/10.1162/003355305775097542

Haselmayer, M., Meyer, T. M., & Wagner, M. (2019). Fighting for attention: Media coverage of negative campaign messages. Party Politics , 25 (3), 412–423. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068817724174

Haselmayer, M., Wagner, M., & Meyer, T. M. (2017). Partisan Bias in Message Selection: Media Gatekeeping of Party Press Releases. Political Communication , 34 (3), 367–384. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2016.1265619

Hofstetter, C. R., & Buss, T. F. (1978). Bias in television news coverage of political events: A methodological analysis. Journal of Broadcasting , 22 (4), 517–530. https://doi.org/10.1080/08838157809363907

Mackey, T. P., & Jacobson, T. E. (2019). Metaliterate Learning for the Post-Truth World . American Library Association.

Merloe, P. (2015). Authoritarianism Goes Global: Election Monitoring Vs. Disinformation. Journal of Democracy , 26 (3), 79–93. https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2015.0053

Mullainathan, S., & Shleifer, A. (2002). Media Bias (No. w9295; p. w9295). National Bureau of Economic Research. https://doi.org/10.3386/w9295

Newton, K. (1996). The mass media and modern government . Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung.

Raymond, C., & Taylor, S. (2021). “Tell all the truth, but tell it slant”: Documenting media bias. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization , 184 , 670–691. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2020.09.021

Ribeiro, F. N., Henrique, L., Benevenuto, F., Chakraborty, A., Kulshrestha, J., Babaei, M., & Gummadi, K. P. (2018, June). Media bias monitor: Quantifying biases of social media news outlets at large-scale. In Twelfth international AAAI conference on web and social media .

Sloan, W. D., & Mackay, J. B. (2007). Media Bias: Finding It, Fixing It . McFarland.

van Dalen, A. (2012). Structural Bias in Cross-National Perspective: How Political Systems and Journalism Cultures Influence Government Dominance in the News. The International Journal of Press/Politics , 17 (1), 32–55. https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161211411087

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Home — Essay Samples — Sociology — Sociology of Media and Communication — Media Bias

Essays on Media Bias

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Biases in The News Media

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The Issue of Bias in The American Media

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The Effect of The Economic Development and Market Competition on Media Bias in China

Mainstream-media content: does the media have a liberal bias, misrepresentation of muslims in the british media, the role of media representation of knife crime in london in creating a moral panic among uk citizens, laws to combat online falsehoods in singapore’s media, biases around the issue of gun control in the media, the manipulation of the general public through american media during the 2016 presidential elections, the freedom of speech and of the press violation in north korean media, mail online story about baroness patricia scotland, an analysis of prophecies and confirmation bias, perception vs reality in media portrayal of crime, liberal media bias.

Media bias is the bias of journalists and news producers within the mass media in the selection of many events and stories that are reported and how they are covered. The term "media bias" implies a pervasive or widespread bias contravening of the standards of journalism, rather than the perspective of an individual journalist or article.

Coverage bias when media choose to report only negative news about one party or ideology. Gatekeeping bias when stories are selected or deselected, sometimes on ideological grounds. Statement bias when media coverage is slanted towards or against particular actors or issues.

Advertising bias, concision bias, content bias, corporate bias, decision-making bias, distortion bias, mainstream bias, partisan bias, sensationalism, structural bias, false balance, undue weight, speculative content, false timeliness, ventriloquism.

1. Groseclose, T., & Milyo, J. (2005). A measure of media bias. The quarterly journal of economics, 120(4), 1191-1237. (https://academic.oup.com/qje/article-abstract/120/4/1191/1926642) 2. Mullainathan, S., & Shleifer, A. (2002). Media bias. (https://www.nber.org/papers/w9295) 3. Gentzkow, M., & Shapiro, J. M. (2006). Media bias and reputation. Journal of political Economy, 114(2), 280-316. (https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/499414) 4. Baron, D. P. (2006). Persistent media bias. Journal of Public Economics, 90(1-2), 1-36. (https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0047272705000216) 5. D'Alessio, D., & Allen, M. (2000). Media bias in presidential elections: A meta‐analysis. Journal of communication, 50(4), 133-156. (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2000.tb02866.x) 6. Groeling, T. (2013). Media bias by the numbers: Challenges and opportunities in the empirical study of partisan news. Annual Review of Political Science, 16, 129-151. (https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/abs/10.1146/annurev-polisci-040811-115123) 7. Hamborg, F., Donnay, K., & Gipp, B. (2019). Automated identification of media bias in news articles: an interdisciplinary literature review. International Journal on Digital Libraries, 20(4), 391-415. (https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s00799-018-0261-y) 8. Qin, B., Strömberg, D., & Wu, Y. (2018). Media bias in China. American Economic Review, 108(9), 2442-76. (https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.20170947) 9. Lee, T. T. (2005). The liberal media myth revisited: An examination of factors influencing perceptions of media bias. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 49(1), 43-64. (https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1207/s15506878jobem4901_4) 10. Park, S., Kang, S., Chung, S., & Song, J. (2009, April). NewsCube: delivering multiple aspects of news to mitigate media bias. In Proceedings of the SIGCHI conference on human factors in computing systems (pp. 443-452). (https://dl.acm.org/doi/abs/10.1145/1518701.1518772)

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Identifying Bias in Media and Ourselves

When I was in school, I didn’t master a foreign language. Sometimes I wish I had applied myself more earnestly to my studies so I could talk in French when I visit Paris. I do, however, take comfort in the vocabularies of a different kind that I’ve learned by talking with Wharton faculty. They answer my questions about everyday life from an academic perspective, which enriches my conversations with colleagues and friends (and my blog posts ).

I recently spoke with Duncan Watts, professor of operations, information and decisions and head of the Penn Media Accountability Project , his research initiative at Penn’s Computational Social Science Lab in partnership with Analytics at Wharton (as detailed in Wharton Magazine  ‘s current cover story ). Our engaging conversation about bias in the news provided me with some best practices that apply to both media consumption and life in general.

Duncan teaches that when we see statistics in the media, we should ask ourselves, “Compared to what?” Identifying a common denominator helps put a statistic in context that a news story might not provide. This thought reminded me of a family member who asked me why I thought she got so anxious as she prepared for a difficult conversation. Recalling Duncan’s question, I asked her for context: How did her level of anxiety in this instance compare to conversations with others in different situations?

Responding with a question also kept me from immediately replying with an opinion. Remembering that nothing exists in a vacuum and that everything is relative to something else helps us check our bias. Even with my family member, bias exists because of what I know about her, what I think about anxiety, and the content of the difficult conversation. Having her reflect on how this situation compared to others in her life made our conversation more meaningful.

I also asked Duncan if he had tips to help the everyday consumer separate facts from bias in news. Without saying yes specifically, he offered these general observations:

• No one can understand how everything works and no one can do all their own research. We must trust people, so be mindful of who you trust. Read different accounts of events, particularly ones that disagree.
• Everyone writes from a point of view. Some POVs are disguised as fact, but every writer has bias and blind spots.
• Check what you are pre-inclined to believe about the subject of the story, particularly if it’s someone who evokes strong negative reactions. Ask yourself: “If someone I admired did these same things, would I also think it was bad?”
• Reread number two! Duncan emphasized how important it is to seek out other perspectives, especially when you agree with what you are reading.

These steps apply to relationship dynamics, too. We need to remember to get multiple accounts when problems arise and to acknowledge the POVs of those accounts. Then we should ask ourselves, how would I feel if I were the one in this situation? Would I react differently if one of my team members were involved? Remembering to question what we think — and to challenge our own biases before we act — will make us better equipped to navigate complexities in media, at work, and at home.

Katherine Primus  is executive director of communications and stewardship for Wharton External Affairs.

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Conservatives trashed NPR's new CEO for being 'woke.' But the truth is far more complex.

An excerpt from katherine maher’s ted talk, 'what wikipedia teaches us about balancing truth and beliefs,' has been trashed as a denigration of the pursuit of truth. it is not..

The Free Press last month published a column by Uri Berliner in which the now former senior editor with National Public Radio exposed his news organization's internal culture, one that not only skews heavily to the political and social left but, according to Berliner, also buried important stories that didn't fit the progressive mold.

It was a bombshell of the obvious. Like so many legacy media organizations in America, NPR has succumbed to the lure of third-wave social justice orthodoxy over the traditional groundings of journalism.

Berliner's piece landed just a few months after NPR hired a new CEO from the world of technology − Katherine Maher, former head of the Wikimedia Foundation. Maher's track record of woke-leaning tweets soon came to light. Her hire, NPR’s subsequent suspension of Berliner and then his resignation convinced critics that the new CEO was doubling down on the ideological partisanship that Berliner had exposed.

House Republicans called Maher to testify about Berliner's allegations on Wednesday before the Energy & Commerce Committee. NPR has issued a statement  saying that its Board of Directors had a previously scheduled meeting, but that the CEO will provide written testimony for Wednesday's hearing and would schedule to appear in the near future.

In that context, a clip from a recent TED Talk that Maher gave in which she claimed “our reverence for the truth might be a distraction that’s getting in the way of finding common ground and getting things done” has been portrayed by critics as a declaration that objective truth no longer matters at NPR.

This is an incorrect interpretation, although it's also an understandable byproduct of the lack of trust in Maher and NPR.

NPR executive gave thoughtful ideas for rebuilding trust

Maher’s TED Talk was actually a thoughtful attempt to envision a path for empowering truth and restoring trust in American institutions.

It's ironic that Maher at the time illustrated a plausible way of creating the sort of culture at NPR that Berliner publicly championed.

NPR editor resigns: NPR editor quit after telling the truth about liberal bias in media. It's time to defund them.

An excerpt from Maher’s 2021 talk, " What Wikipedia Teaches Us About Balancing Truth and Beliefs ," has been trashed as an exercise in relativism, a denigration of the pursuit of truth and a blueprint for the fall of civilization.

It is none of these things.

One important note of context: Maher’s TED Talk was given several years before she assumed the leadership of NPR. She was not a journalist at the time, and her talk was meant to offer an approach for harnessing consensus across broad social divides. It was not a prescription for organizational culture in the newsroom, although it does have implications in that direction.

Yet, there were a couple of land mines in Maher’s presentation that opened the door for mischaracterization. She framed her position as finding fault with "our reverence for the truth,” which inhibits our ability to “find common ground” with one another. While narrowly defensible in context, this statement was both provocative and clumsy in framing Maher’s ultimate position.

It's the sort of provocative lead statement that was likely intended to drive clicks and stoke the attention of the audience rather than being a serious statement by itself. What she meant, as the context of the talk makes clear, is that our insistence that other people accept our interpretation of what’s true is a problem, even if we are correct.

Maher also made repeated references to many “ different truths ” in a way that slides neatly into the perception that progressives have a relativistic relationship with truth. That grates on the ears of those who champion empirical sensibilities,

Yet, even that language is defensible in context.

Maher explained that personal truth is “what happens when we merge facts about the world with our beliefs about the world. So we all have different truths.” These different beliefs emerge from “things like where we come from, how we were raised and how other people perceive us.”

If not for the Berliner controversy and Maher’s history of political statements, the elements of rhetoric in her TED Talk might not have obscured the substance of what she had to say.

Public has lost trust in civic institutions

We live in an era of imploding esteem for those in positions of authority. As Maher pointed out, there's been “a collapse in public trust around the world in many of our critical civic institutions.” That collapse is in contrast with her experience with Wikipedia's successful, collaborative model of crowd-sourced argumentation and information sharing.

If consensus around truth is necessary for the health of democracy, then Maher suggested that the model of multiple viewpoints and collaborative input that she saw work for Wikipedia might provide a road map for the rest of society.

She warned, “ For our most tricky disagreements , seeking the truth, and seeking to convince others of the truth, might not be the right place to start.”

The second part of this statement, for those of us engaged with the problem of polarization, reinforces our learned wisdom. It aligns with the findings of social psychologist Jonathan Haidt, who wrote in " The Righteous Mind ": “You can’t make a dog happy by forcibly wagging its tail. And you can’t change people’s minds by utterly refuting their arguments.”

Should America be a colorblind society? Debate made me think more deeply about racism.

But should we not seek the truth? Yes, of course. Nonetheless, as Maher said, like the volunteer writers of Wikipedia, we also must focus on " the best of what we can know right now ."

That is a statement of intellectual humility, not of relativism. Complex topics and problems do not lend themselves to easy assessments of truth in real time. Through broad sourcing, the Wikipedia model in theory moves us to closer approximations of what is true.

One can hear in Maher’s argument a softly delivered critique of one aspect of cancel culture: the puritanical insistence that a single predominant narrative must crowd out all others in the discourse of democratic society. Maher’s critics have not picked up on that note.

As much as media outlets like NPR and other left-wing orthodoxy have fed into our political and social divisions, Maher's TED Talk seems to have been an effort to build bridges by proposing one way to recapture shared knowledge and beliefs. Whatever else one may say about her and her politics, her focus on that point deserves credit.

Polarization is principally a problem of declining social trust. And part of the work of rebuilding trust involves being willing to give people a chance, to give them the benefit of the doubt. It seems clear to me that Katherine Maher has some understanding of the need to rebuild trust between the American people and their institutions − precisely the sort of trust that NPR has lost and that Uri Berliner fell on his sword to push the outlet to fight for again.

In Berliner’s essay last month, he concluded his overview of the decline of NPR by noting that Maher has only recently stepped into her leadership role at this historic institution of American journalism. Berliner wrote that he is “rooting” for Maher, an outsider from the world of journalism, and that this gives him hope.

“Her first rule could be simple enough,” he wrote. “ Don’t tell people how to think .”

Maher actually gave all of us similar advice in her TED talk. Perhaps she will sink into the abandonment of viewpoint diversity that has characterized NPR and so much of the rest of American journalism in recent years. But maybe she will demonstrate in her leadership some of the wisdom she articulated in 2021 . We have reason to hope so.

John Wood Jr. is a columnist for USA TODAY Opinion. He is national ambassador for  Braver Angels , a former nominee for Congress, former vice chairman of the Republican Party of Los Angeles County, musical artist, and a noted writer and speaker on subjects including racial and political reconciliation. Follow him on X:  @JohnRWoodJr  

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AllSides Media Bias Chart

The AllSides Media Bias Chart™ helps you to easily identify different perspectives and political leanings in the news so you can get the full picture and think for yourself.

Knowing the political bias of media outlets allows you to consume a balanced news diet and avoid manipulation, misinformation, and fake news. Everyone is biased, but hidden media bias misleads and divides us. The AllSides Media Bias Chart™ is based on our full and growing list of over 1,400 media bias ratings . These ratings inform our balanced newsfeed .

The AllSides Media Bias Chart™ is more comprehensive in its methodology than any other media bias chart on the Web. While other media bias charts show you the subjective opinion of just one or a few people, our ratings are based on multipartisan, scientific analysis, including expert panels and surveys of thousands of everyday Americans.

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This chart does not rate accuracy or credibility. A publication can be accurate, yet biased. Learn why AllSides doesn't rate accuracy.

Unless otherwise noted, these bias ratings are based on online written content , not TV, radio, or broadcast content.

Here's how the AllSides Media Bias Chart™ differs from other media bias charts:

• Data is gathered from many people across the political spectrum — not just one biased individual or a very small, elite group. We have a patent on rating bias and use multiple methodologies , not an algorithm. Our methods are : Blind Bias Surveys of Americans, Editorial Reviews by a multipartisan team of panelists who look for common types of media bias , independent reviews, and third party data.
• Our research spans years — we started rating media bias back in 2012.
• We give separate bias ratings for the news and opinion sections for some media outlets, giving you a more precise understanding.
• Transparent methodology: we tell you how we arrived at the bias rating for each outlet. Search for any media outlet here.
• We consider and review data and research conducted by third parties , like universities and other groups.
• Your opinion matters: we take into account hundreds of thousands of community votes on our ratings. Votes don't determine our ratings, but are valuable feedback that may prompt more research. We know that a mixed group of experts and non-experts will provide a more accurate result, so we solicit and consider opinions of average people.
• We don't rate accuracy — just bias. Our ratings help readers to understand that certain facts may be missing if they read only outlets from one side of the political spectrum.

Americans are more polarized than ever — if you’re like us, you see it in the news and on your social media feeds every day. Bias is natural, but hidden bias and fake news misleads and divides us. That’s why AllSides has rated the media bias of over 1,400 sources. and put it into a media bias chart. The AllSides Media Bias Chart™ shows the political bias of some of the most-read sources in America.

The outlets featured on the AllSides Media Bias Cart™ have varying degrees of influence. Read about whether conservative or liberal media outlets are more widely read .

Frequently Asked Questions about the AllSides Media Bias Chart

Why does the bias of a media outlet matter, how does allsides calculate media bias, how did allsides decide which media outlets to include on the chart, what do the bias ratings mean, does a center rating mean neutral, unbiased, and better, why are some media outlets on the chart twice, does allsides rate which outlets are most factual or accurate, where can i see past versions of the chart, where can i learn more, i disagree with your media bias ratings. where can i give you feedback.

News media, social media, and search engines have become so biased, politicized, and personalized that we are often stuck inside filter bubbles , where we’re only exposed to information and ideas we already agree with. When bias is hidden and we see only facts, information, and opinions that confirm our existing beliefs , a number of negative things happen: 1) we become extremely polarized as a nation as we misunderstand or hate the "the other side," believing they are extreme, hateful, or evil; 2) we become more likely to be manipulated into thinking, voting, or behaving a certain way; 3) we become limited in our ability to understand others, problem solve and compromise; 4) we become unable to find the truth.

It feels good to hear from people who think just like us, and media outlets have an incentive to be partisan — it helps them to earn ad revenue, especially if they use sensationalism and clickbait . But when we stay inside a filter bubble, we may miss important ideas and perspectives. The mission of AllSides is to free people from filter bubbles so they can better understand the world — and each other. Making media bias transparent helps us to easily identify different perspectives and expose ourselves to a variety of information so we can avoid being manipulated by partisan bias and fake news. This improves our country long-term, helping us to understand one another, solve problems, know the truth, and make better decisions.

Media bias has contributed to Americans becoming more politically polarized .

At AllSides, we reduce the one-sided information flow by providing balanced news  from both liberal and conservative news sources, and over 1,400 media bias ratings . Our tools help you to better understand diverse perspectives and reduce harmful, hateful polarization in America. By making media bias transparent and consuming a balanced news diet, we can arm ourselves with a broader view — and find the truth for ourselves.

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Our media bias ratings are based on multi-partisan, scientific analysis. Our methodologies include Blind Bias Surveys of Americans, Editorial Reviews by a panel of experts trained to spot bias , independent reviews, third party data, and community feedback. Visit our Media Bias Rating Methodology page to learn more.

We consider multiple factors including how much traffic the source has according to Pew Research Center and Similarweb , and how many searches for the bias of that outlet land on AllSides.

We also include outlets that represent outlier perspectives. For example, Jacobin magazine is included because it represents socialist thought, while Reason magazine is included because it represents libertarian thought.

These are subjective judgements made by AllSides and people across the country. Learn our rough approximation for what the media bias ratings mean:

Left - Lean Left - Center - Lean Right - Right

Center doesn't mean better! A Center media bias rating does not mean the source is neutral, unbiased, or reasonable, just as Left and Right do not necessarily mean the source is extreme, wrong, or unreasonable. A Center bias rating simply means the source or writer rated does not predictably publish content that tilts toward either end of the political spectrum — conservative or liberal. A media outlet with a Center rating may omit important perspectives, or run individual articles that display bias, while not displaying a predictable bias. Center outlets can be difficult to determine, and there is rarely a perfect Center outlet: some of our outlets rated Center can be better thought of as Center-Left or Center-Right, something we clarify on individual source pages.

While it may be easy to think that we should only consume media from Center outlets, AllSides believes reading in the Center is not the answer. By reading only Center outlets, we may still encounter bias and omission of important issues and perspectives. For this reason, it is important to consume a balanced news diet across the political spectrum, and to read horizontally across the bias chart. Learn more about what an AllSides Media Bias Rating™ of Center rating means here.

We sometimes provide separate media bias ratings for a source’s news content and its opinion content. This is because some outlets, such as the Wall Street Journal and The New York Times , have a notable difference in bias between their news and opinion sections.

For example, on this chart you will see The New York Times Opinion is rated as a Left media bias, while the New York Times news is rated Lean Left .

When rating an opinion page, AllSides takes into account the outlet's editorial board and its individual opinion page writers. The editorial board’s bias is weighted, and affects the final bias rating by about 60%.

For example, the New York Times has a range of individual Opinion page writers, who have a range of biases. We rate the bias of commentators individually as much as possible. Yet The New York Times Editorial Board has a clear Left media bias. We take into account both the overall biases of the individual writers and the Editorial Board to arrive at a final bias rating of Left for the New York Times opinion section .

See how we provide individual bias ratings for New York Times opinion page writers here .

AllSides does not rate outlets based on accuracy or factual claims — this is a bias chart, not a credibility chart. It speaks to perspective only.

We don't rate accuracy because we don't assume we know the truth on all things. The left and right often strongly disagree on what is truth and what is fiction. Read more about why AllSides doesn't rate accuracy.

We disagree with the idea that the more left or right an outlet is, the less credibility it has. There’s nothing wrong with having bias or an opinion, but hidden bias misleads and divides us. Just because an outlet is credible doesn’t mean it isn’t biased ; likewise, just because an outlet is biased doesn’t mean it isn’t credible . 

Learn more about past versions of the chart on our blog:

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Visit the AllSides Media Bias Ratings™ page and search for any outlet for a full summation of our research and how we arrived at the rating.

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You can vote on whether or not you agree with media bias ratings ,  contact us , or sign up to participate in our next Blind Bias Survey .

Curious Historian

NPR Employees Erupt Over 'Factual Inaccuracies' About Its Liberal Bias

Posted: May 10, 2024 | Last updated: May 10, 2024

Conduct themselves

A group of 50 NPR employees signed a letter demanding that the CEO and editor-in-chief publicly rebuke the "factual inaccuracies" in a former editor's essay that called out perceived liberal bias at the outlet.   

The letter asked leadership to provide more transparency on how employees are expected to conduct themselves and ensure all are held to the same standards.   

Urge stronger

"We're writing to urge stronger support for staff who have had their journalistic expertise called into question by one of their own in a public forum," the letter read . "We also urge more transparency regarding the consequences of making unauthorized public comments that seek to change NPR's editorial direction."  

Unanswered questions

"[T]here are still unanswered questions about how NPR staff are expected to conduct themselves," it added. "What and who are our standards for? Are we all being held to the same scrutiny? And will we all be going forward?"   

Internal policy changes

"Staff, many from marginalized backgrounds, have pushed for internal policy changes through mechanisms like the DEI accountability committee, sharing of affinity group guidelines, and an ad-hoc content review group," the letter said.   

Suspension and resignation

It also called for clarification on how the former editor's suspension and resignation impacted NPR's "editorial direction" and precedent for future violations of codes of conduct.   

Hurtful and demeaning

While the CEO had called the essay "hurtful and demeaning," the employees argued it didn't receive as strong a response as internal diversity and policy efforts.   

Publicly support

They asked leadership to publicly support and defend employees whose work was undermined and directly call out inaccuracies in the essay.   

Respect the integrity

"I respect the integrity of my colleagues and wish for NPR to thrive and do important journalism," Berliner wrote. "But I cannot work in a newsroom where I am disparaged by a new CEO whose divisive views confirm the very problems at NPR I cited in my Free Press essay."  

Conducted a hearing

The House Energy Committee conducted a hearing on Wednesday regarding allegations of liberal media bias at NPR following a former editor's public criticism of the public broadcaster.  

Denouncing the organization

In a recent incident, a senior editor at National Public Radio penned an essay denouncing the organization for its promotion of liberal perspectives and subsequently resigned.   

Resignation letter

The editor, Uri Berliner, posted his resignation letter on a social media platform after being suspended for five days for engaging in outside work without permission, leading to a confrontation with NPR's new CEO.  

I am disparaged

“I cannot work in a newsroom where I am disparaged by a new CEO whose divisive views confirm the very problems” written about in his essay, Berliner said in his resignation letter.  

Social media posts

Katherine Maher, a former technology executive who took on the role of NPR's chief executive in January, faced criticism from conservative activists due to past social media posts that criticized former President Donald Trump. These posts were made before Maher joined NPR.  

Personnel matters

NPR's spokesperson declined to comment on individual personnel matters regarding Maher.  

The suspension

The suspension and subsequent resignation of the editor shed light on the challenging balance that many news organizations and their editorial staff navigate.   

Responsibility to critique

While journalists are expected to maintain impartiality in their reporting, they also feel a responsibility to critique their organizations' journalistic practices when necessary.  

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House Republicans Ask NPR CEO To Appear At Hearing After Bias Allegations

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Maher has defended the network after Uri Berliner , who had been a senior business editor and reporter, published an essay in The Free Press that claimed that the network lacked an “open minded spirit” and viewpoint diversity, and instead took a left wing approach to covering Donald Trump, race and other topics. Berliner later resigned from the outlet.

The House Republicans also cited NPR’s coverage of Covid, the Mueller report and the Hunter Biden laptop.

An NPR spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

In their letter, McMorris Rodgers and the other House Republicans quote from Berliner’s essay and also posed a series of questions to Maher, including, “In the past five years, how many registered Republicans, Democrats, Independents, and registered voters who are not required by state law to declare an affiliation, has NPR employed as part of its news media staff?” They also ask Maher what steps have been taken to recruit Republicans.

Some NPR staffers have gone public by pointing out errors in Berliner’s essay. Steve Inskeep challenged Berliner’s claim that the newsroom was made up of unanimously registered Democrats, 87-0. Inskeep noted that he was registered with no party, but that was not reflected in the story.

NPR has faced past controversies, but calls to strip the organization of funding have gone nowhere. In 2011, conservative activist James O’Keefe caught an NPR fundraiser on video criticizing the Tea Party. The edited sting video led to the resignation of the network’s CEO, while there was some effort on Capitol Hill to zero out funding. A House bill to repeal federal funding passed, but it stalled out in the Senate.

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Republicans Call on NPR’s C.E.O. to Testify About Political Bias Accusations

Katherine Maher, the radio network’s new chief executive, has been in the spotlight since an editor published an essay accusing the organization of leftward-leaning bias.

By Benjamin Mullin

Congressional Republicans on Wednesday said they had asked NPR’s new chief executive, Katherine Maher, to address accusations of political bias in the radio network’s journalism during a hearing next week.

A trio of Republican lawmakers — Representatives Cathy McMorris Rodgers of Washington, Bob Latta of Ohio and Morgan Griffith of Virginia — sent a six-page letter to Ms. Maher that notified her of an investigation into the network and requested her appearance on May 8.

“As a taxpayer funded, public radio organization, NPR should focus on fair and objective news reporting that both considers and reflects the views of the larger U.S. population and not just a niche audience,” the letter said.

The lawmakers, all members of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, said the hearing would be held by the panel’s oversight subcommittee.

NPR declined to comment, but Ms. Maher may have a scheduling conflict. According to an agenda of NPR’s upcoming board of directors meeting, Ms. Maher is scheduled to convene with NPR’s board all day on May 8.

NPR has been scrutinized by conservatives in recent weeks after the publication of an essay by Uri Berliner , a former senior editor at the network, who said that the network had allowed progressive politics to affect its coverage of major stories. Mr. Berliner, who has since resigned, cited the network’s coverage of the Covid-19 pandemic, the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election and Hunter Biden’s laptop as examples of bias.

Mr. Berliner’s essay has generated vociferous pushback from many employees at NPR, who say that many of his points were factually inaccurate. Tony Cavin, NPR’s managing editor for standards, has said the network’s coverage of Hunter Biden’s laptop, the Covid-19 pandemic and the investigation into Russian collusion by Robert S. Mueller III, a special counsel, hewed closely to responsible coverage by other mainstream news organizations.

Ms. Maher, who joined the network this year, has personally been targeted by conservative activists who have combed through her social media history and resurfaced posts that promoted progressive causes and critiqued former President Donald J. Trump. In one post, from 2018, Ms. Maher called Mr. Trump a “racist”; another from 2020 showed her wearing a hat with the logo of the Biden campaign.

NPR has said that Ms. Maher, the former chief executive of Wikimedia, wasn’t working in news at the time she made the posts, and added that she was exercising her First Amendment right to free expression.

Over the years, Republicans have occasionally threatened to pull government money from NPR, which comes from the taxpayer-funded Corporation for Public Broadcasting. But those threats haven’t resulted in any significant funding reduction for the organization, which generates much of its revenue by selling radio programming to its member stations across the United States.

Benjamin Mullin reports on the major companies behind news and entertainment. Contact Ben securely on Signal at +1 530-961-3223 or email at [email protected] . More about Benjamin Mullin

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KTTH OPINION

Rantz: You’re not falling into a trap while watching the news on antisemitic campus protests

May 10, 2024, 5:54 PM

The pro-Palestinian encampment on the UW campus in Seattle, seen here on May 2, 2024 is continuing on. The encampment also has featured anti-Israel messages. (Photo: James Lynch, KIRO Newsradio)

(Photo: James Lynch, KIRO Newsradio)

BY JASON RANTZ

AM 770 KTTH host

A colleague from KTTH sister station KIRO Newsradio argued in a recent column that news consumers might fall into a trap courtesy of the way some journalists cover the antisemitic encampments on college campuses. She’s right news consumers sometimes fall into traps because of shoddy journalism. But it’s the general media bias that’s the bigger problem.

Angela Poe Russell, a fill-in host at KIRO Newsradio and former KING 5 journalist, reacted to Joe Scarborough on MSNBC covering a Forbes report about employers vowing to hire fewer Ivy League college graduates. They’re rightly concerned with the quality of students coming out of these elite schools, given the surge of antisemitism and abject historical ignorance coming from students there. Her criticism was the generalization from the anchor.

“While criticizing a school’s handling of a situation is fair and so is student behavior, good journalists know better than to make blanket statements about a group or a place. Having worked for years as a reporter, I know that within crowds are many stories and journalists should share them and offer context and nuance,” she wrote. “Columbia University has more than 30,000 students, either undergraduate or graduate level. If you compare that population to the number of on-campus protesters, it becomes impossible to talk about any university as if the students and their motivations or methods for protesting are exactly the same.”

This is fair criticism, I mostly agree, and it’s worth a read. I also hope you’ll listen to my conversation with Poe Russell ; I truly enjoyed it.

But here’s a reasonable question for those of you who agree with her criticism: Why is it that we need additional context and nuance when it comes to rising antisemitism after experiencing nothing but generalizations about police and Donald Trump supporters? And aren’t we already getting a ton of “nuance and context” — in the form of whitewashing the antisemitism and violence?

Where’s the nuance in downplaying antisemitism, as a result of media bias?

Reporters, especially on the local level, are going through great pains to cover-up antisemitism on and off campus. It’s transparent media bias.

KING 5’s Cornelius Hocker, who consistently downplays antisemitism while demonizing Israel due to a clear left-wing bias, reported on this week’s Charlie Kirk speech at the University of Washington (UW). Though there were plenty of assaults, threats, harassment and vandalism against the media , none of it was mentioned in the piece. Instead, he said “it didn’t get that serious.” There was also no mention that the student activists and outside agitators wanted to cancel Kirk’s speech. Actually, Kirk wasn’t mentioned at all in the produced piece.

Also oddly missing from KING 5’s anti-Israel report? Jewish, pro-Israel, pro-free speech voices. The only interview for a story about a UW protest was a radical organizer who isn’t even a student. He uncritically spread a verifiably false claim that Israel is purposefully starving Palestinians.

Meanwhile, The Seattle Times posted the link to its article about UW’s recent Board of Regents meeting on X, formerly known as Twitter, categorizing anti-Israel activists as “anti war.” They’re not anti war. They’re against Israel’s war on Hamas. One cannot be anti war while calling for a “global intifada,” and chanting for the destruction of Israel. The article itself doesn’t offer any descriptors for the protesters (including the dubiously claimed “pro-Palestine” label). The Seattle Times doesn’t seem to hesitate in calling out “conservative activists,” though, defining them by an ideology rather than a viewpoint like “anti war,” even if it’s a lie.

KOMO News’ Joel Moreno was caught fabricating details about a Seattle anti-Israel rally . He said the rallygoers were “calling for peace” and “humanitarian aid” in Gaza. But the rallygoers were chanting for the destruction of Israel and openly supported violence against Jews. I have a video of Moreno listening to the chants promoting violence. Why didn’t those chants and messaging make it into his piece? Where was the context and nuance?

More from Jason Rantz: UW professor assaulted at autonomous Liberated Zone as admin keeps cops away

Media is consistently biased in favor of progressives

When the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement soared nationwide, did you get nuanced conversations about policing? Or did the media lean into anti-cop narratives, amplifying extremists who wanted to abolish police? When was the last time you saw media approach a Trump supporter with context and nuance rather than generalizations? Media outlets, outside of conservative media, generalize tens of millions of Americans as “MAGA extremists.” After January 6, were there any attempts to draw a distinction between rioters and your average Trump supporter? Of course not.

Poe Russell is right to call for nuance. There should be room for it, when necessary, in media coverage. In this case, I don’t think it’s necessary because the media doesn’t seem capable.

There’s only so much nuance one can offer before it (inadvertently or not) justifies or whitewashes antisemitism. Poe Russell is very obviously right that generalizing all Ivy League students is absurd. (They’re clearly not all antisemitic — though I do wish we’d see more students calling out the hate rather than letting it go unchallenged on campus).

And if we’re going to demand nuance (Poe Russell and I agree on how some past coverage of progressive events has been lacking), we need to demand it on all stories. Poe Russell seems very willing to make these demands, regardless of the political implications or influences of a news story. I don’t hear many liberal media members call out the industry. But it’s clear we need more news consumers to make these demands, as well. The media bias is too obvious and too accepted.

Listen to The Jason Rantz Show on weekday afternoons from 3-7 p.m. on KTTH 770 AM (HD Radio 97.3 FM HD-Channel 3). Subscribe to the  podcast here . Follow Jason on  X, formerly known as Twitter ,  Instagram  and  Facebook .

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Current (https://current.org/2024/05/house-hearing-on-npr-bias-brings-criticism-from-republicans-but-praise-for-local-stations/)

House hearing on NPR bias brings criticism from Republicans, but praise for local stations

By tyler falk , reporter | may 8, 2024.

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Rep. Morgan Griffith (R-Va.) during the Wednesday hearing on NPR's alleged bias.

House Republicans criticized NPR CEO Katherine Maher Wednesday for not attending a hearing about alleged bias within the network, while Democrats defended the network and called the hearing unnecessary.

Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-Wash.) said the hearing would “discuss accusations from within National Public Radio … that the organization’s D.C. bureau is actively censoring viewpoints, all while enjoying funding from American’s hard-earned tax dollars.”

“The Energy and Commerce Committee will fully fulfill its responsibility to investigate the allegations against NPR and take appropriate action based upon what we find,” she added. 

The hearing was announced April 30 in a letter sent to Maher by Reps. Morgan Griffith (R-Va.), Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-Wash.) and Bob Latta (R-Ohio). They referenced the April 9 commentary published on the website The Free Press by now-former NPR editor Uri Berliner, who criticized the network for a liberal bias in reporting and a lack of ideological diversity among staff.

The House Committee on Energy and Commerce has “concerns about the direction in which NPR may be headed under past and present leadership,” the lawmakers wrote. The representatives also asked NPR to provide a breakdown of the registered political affiliation of its news staff over the last five years. 

Maher declined to attend the hearing due to a conflicting NPR board meeting that had been scheduled more than a year ago, according to the network . In a written statement provided to the committee, Maher thanked Congress “for supporting public broadcasting and public media institutions, including NPR, that provide public interest journalism to the American public, and in doing so protecting freedom of the press in this country.”

“I welcome additional conversation and feedback from the Congress on how we can serve our audiences better, and I look forward to speaking with you in the near future,” Maher wrote.

In a statement Wednesday, NPR said that it “takes the Committee’s comments and questions seriously, and welcomes the opportunity to discuss how we can best meet our public mandate to serve all Americans and reflect a diversity of perspectives.” 

NPR added that it had proposed alternate dates for Maher’s appearance “and will continue to work with the Committee and respond to their letter.”

‘Shame on this committee’

Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-Texas) said he was “disappointed” Maher didn’t attend the hearing, which was held by the Energy and Commerce Committee’s oversight and investigations subcommittee.

“It shows a severe lack of courage not showing up to this committee and answering some simple questions about political bias for what is an extremely important organization, a taxpayer-funded organization, that prides itself supposedly on unbiased news reporting,” Crenshaw said.

“Hopefully we can work out a time for [Maher] to appear to testify before this committee in the near future,” Griffith said in his opening statement. “The only reason not to appear in front of this committee at some point in the near future is if the allegations are both true and NPR doesn’t care.”

Meanwhile, Democrats called the meeting a waste of time and criticized Republicans for calling the hearing on short notice and seeking the political affiliations of NPR journalists.

“The majority members keep attacking the NPR CEO, Katherine Maher, because she’s not here,” said Rep. Diana DeGette (D-Colo.). “They gave her one week’s notice. She’s a brand new CEO, and today is … her first board meeting as CEO. And you want to haul her in here so that you can rake her over the coals for your partisan issues. Shame on this committee.”

Rep. Frank Pallone (D-N.J.) called the hearing a “complete waste of this committee’s time” and added that it showed a “lack of seriousness” by the Republican majority, which “refused” to accept NPR’s alternate dates.

“It’s fully understandable that Ms. Maher is not here today,” Pallone said.

Pallone said Republicans’ demanding of political affiliations of NPR’s employees and board members was a “very disturbing turn.” 

“These are the same tactics employed during the dark days of McCarthyism,” he said. “I had hoped that that was over.”

Praise from Republicans for member stations

Despite Maher’s absence, the hearing proceeded for more than two hours with witnesses Craig Aaron, co-CEO of the media advocacy group Free Press; Howard Husock, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and a former CPB board member; James Erwin, federal affairs manager for telecommunications at Americans for Tax Reform; and Tim Graham, executive editor for the right-leaning NewsBusters.org.

In his testimony, Husock called for “a decentralized NPR” with member stations keeping more federal funds “for their own newsgathering, rather than having to send them to NPR in Washington.”

Erwin said he opposes state-funded media, even “if NPR was the most neutral, fair media outlet with no ulterior motives.”

The funding model for public broadcasting is a “shell game,” Erwin said, because “tax dollars are given to CPB, which passes a few million to NPR so they can claim the taxpayer contribution is negligible, while the rest is laundered through public affiliates and kickbacks in the subsidies to NPR.”

Erwin suggested that “short of fully cutting off funding for NPR, which would be ideal,” Congress could include a box on tax returns that taxpayers could check to voluntarily contribute to an “NPR fund.” 

Free Press’ Aaron argued that calls for defunding NPR could affect local stations. 

“I think public media … could play a bigger role in supporting that kind of local coverage that really describes what’s happening in local [communities] and makes sure those reporters are there,” Aaron said. “That’s why I worry about these threats for defunding, because in many places, these public radio stations, they are the newsroom. They are the six or seven reporters trying to cover a whole locality. You lose that, and then nobody has any idea what’s going on.”

“While I always welcome Congress’s interest in public media, especially given the crisis in local journalism,” he added, “I’m perplexed that an essay by one disgruntled editor at NPR is cause for a congressional inquiry.”

When asked by Rep. Debbie Lesko (R-Ariz.) what accountability measures could be implemented “to ensure NPR provides impartial coverage,” Graham said that “a more regular hearing process would be important. It would be good for Katherine Maher to actually have to come up here” and explain why NPR didn’t cover the story of Hunter Biden’s laptop, a decision Berliner criticized in his essay.

While some Republicans lambasted NPR for what they perceive as political bias, calling its news left-wing propaganda, others spoke positively about public radio stations in their districts.

Rep. Brett Guthrie (R-Ky.) said journalists at WKYU in Bowling Green, Ky., “work hard.” 

“I don’t always agree with the way they cover me, but I absolutely think they do it in a fair way,” Guthrie said.

Rep. Griffith said NPR has become “what appears to be a progressive propaganda purveyor” but added that he was not talking about stations.

“I would make the distinction that they have often been more responsive and have more responsive programming, and local public interest in civic stories,” he said. “I generally felt the local radio stations in my part of Virginia mostly provided public service and in many cases are useful in helping to preserve local heritage.”

Griffith later added that “historically, even when I was in the state legislature, I supported the local radio stations because they do some programming that you can’t get elsewhere, like the history of bluegrass, which is important in my district.”

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Subcommittee Chair Griffith Opening Remarks at Hearing on Ideological Bias at NPR

Washington D.C. — House Energy and Commerce Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations Chair Morgan Griffith (R-VA) delivered the following opening remarks at today’s subcommittee hearing titled “Examining Accusations of Ideological Bias at NPR, a Taxpayer Funded News Entity.” 

IDEOLOGICAL BIAS AT NPR

“Thank you to our witnesses who are before us today to testify on National Public Radio, NPR. 

“I do have to note for the record that we invited NPR’s CEO, Katherine Maher who declined to appear today to discuss NPR’s alleged past efforts to pressure conservative and moderate voices into silence. 

“Hopefully, we can work out a time for her to appear and testify before this Committee in the near future. 

“The only reason not to appear in front of the Committee at some point in the near future is if the allegations are both true and NPR doesn’t care.

“Last month, longtime NPR business editor, Uri Berliner, wrote an article published by conservative news website, The Free Press, accusing his then-employer of having an 'absence of viewpoint diversity.' 

“Berliner criticized NPR for not reflecting the viewpoints of all Americans. 

“Instead, Berliner wrote, NPR is 'the distilled worldview of a very small segment of the U.S. population,' meaning the people clustered around coastal cities and college towns. 

“It was alleged that, in recent years, NPR’s extremely progressive viewpoints are evident in its coverage of major news stories.  

“For example, just a couple of days ago, in an article on a recent bill regarding TikTok and foreign owned social media, the author claimed that Congress had no ‘direct evidence' that Tik Tok was a threat. 

“That’s simply not true. 

“If NPR had listened openly and fairly to comments TikTok’s own CEO made before this Committee last year, they would know there was no real firewall between the Chinese Communist Party and the American company. 

“They also fail to mention the three-hour security briefing before the Committee took up the bill. 

“That type of biased viewpoint affects the way I look at NPR’s coverage of ongoing antisemitic riots at universities across the country.” 

NPR’S LEFTWING WORLDVIEW  

“NPR’s coverage of these chaotic protests has been borderline encouraging, nostalgic even, evoking the good old days of protesting Vietnam. 

“NPR reporters have dismissed evidence suggesting external groups have had a role in coordinating these protests, despite contrary reporting by outlets like the Wall Street Journal.  

“As far back as 2005, NPR editors were aware of and trying to address a question that was bothering listeners: how truly national is NPR? 

“For those in rural communities and in smaller towns, like the folks I represent, nationally produced NPR news programs are not relevant and not of interest. 

“Nationally produced NPR news programs often simply do not broadcast content that reflects their values, and culture. 

“As a result of adopting a mostly progressive framing in so much of its reporting, NPR is losing its audience. 

“At its peak in 2017, NPR had over 30 million weekly listeners. By 2022, NPR had lost 6.6 million weekly listeners. 

“As a result, NPR has had a substantial budget deficits and layoffs including 10 percent of its staff. 

“What was intended to be a media organization that brought together millions of Americans across geographic, socio-economic, and ideological boundaries to discuss life, the arts, and culture, has turned into what appears to be a progressive propaganda purveyor. Using our taxpayer dollars, no less. 

“Now, to be clear, the local public radio station affiliates are not what I am talking about. I would make the distinction that they often have more responsive programming and local public interest and civic stories. 

“I have generally thought that the local public radio stations in my part of Virginia mostly provide a public service and in many cases are useful in helping to preserve local heritage.” 

TAXPAYERS ARE FUNDING NPR  

“NPR claims federal spending accounts for less than one percent of its annual operating budget. 

“Although NPR receives one percent in direct federal grants, local radio stations may use any portion of their federal grant from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, to pay NPR’s membership dues and programming fees. That figure is roughly 30 percent of NPR’s revenue. 

“This hearing is a chance for us to take stock of whether we should be using federal taxpayer dollars to promote one ideology to the exclusion of others. 

“If NPR wants to create a one-sided ideological content that marginalizes a substantial portion of Americans, they can fight it out with all the other media companies for market share and pay for it on their own dime. 

“I would prefer NPR to return to its original mission under the Public Broadcasting Act of 1967, to provide objectivity and balance in coverage of controversial subjects. 

“To me that means representing many different opinions in its newsgathering.”