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Investigation reveals spirits may haunt Spanish Governor's Palace

A haunting in south texas.

Erica Hernandez , Digital Journalist/Courthouse Reporter

Rick Medina

SAN ANTONIO – Downtown San Antonio is full of ghost stories and some even surround the historic Spanish Governor's Palace. 

It is reported from visitors that several ghostly figures have been seen inside and around the building. 

An investigation was done back in August with the San Antonio Paranormal Investigators, and evidence revealed the possibility of ghosts haunting the place.

During several EVP (electronic voice phenomenon) sessions, the K2 meter would respond to questions that were asked and pictures revealed that orbs were floating around. 

It is believed that K2 meters can detect spikes in electromagnetic energy that may signify activity or communication with spirits. 

Investigators believed that on that August night the ghost of a small girl was communicating with us. 

Audio recorders caught what appear to be the giggles of a child. 

Later photos taken inside would catch what looks like the ghostly figure of a woman. 

Whether you believe or not, it appears that the ghost stories about the Spanish Governor's Palace may be true. 

Check out previous " A Haunting in South Texas " stories

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About the Authors:

Erica hernandez.

Erica Hernandez is an Emmy award-winning journalist with15 years of experience in the broadcast news business. Erica has covered a wide array of stories all over Central and South Texas. She's currently the court reporter and cohost of the podcast Texas Crime Stories.

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Spanish Governor's Palace

San Antonio

The name now attached to this low-profile adobe structure is an exaggeration. When built in 1722, it was the home and office of the captain of the local presidio. Now restored to something close to its original appearance, and outfitted with period furnishings, it’s a great place to learn about the early days of San Antonio.

Already more than 160 years old when City Hall was erected in 1889, the ‘palace’ was occupied by commercial tenants – including a saloon, a clothing store and even a pawn shop – until 1928, when the city finally realized its historical significance and bought it back.

105 Plaza de Armas

Get In Touch

210-224-0601

https://www.spanishgovernorspalace.org

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Spanish governor's palace.

Historical/Interpretive Information/Exhibits

The Spanish Governor's Palace is all that remains of the original Presidio San Antonio de Bexar--the first permanent Spanish military presence in San Antonio. It served as both the residence and office for captains of the military garrison from 1722 until the early 1800s.

Site Information

Location (105 Plaza de Armas (105 Military Plaza), in downtown San Antonio, Texas)

The complex includes a one-story masonry and stucco structure with ten rooms, a well-manicured courtyard, and a fountain.

Safety Considerations

More site information

El Camino Real de los Tejas National Historic Trail

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Last updated: January 26, 2023

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Top Spanish Red, Moscow Guest,Is Refused Podium at Ceremony

By Craig R. Whitney; Special to The New York Times

  • Nov. 4, 1977

Top Spanish Red, Moscow Guest,Is Refused Podium at Ceremony

MOSCOW, Nov. 3—The Soviet authorities refused today to let the outspoken Spanish Communist leader, Santiago Carrillo, deliver a speech at Kremlin ceremonies marking the 60th anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution.

Mr. Carrillo, whose rejection of Soviet concepts of “dictatorship of the proletariat” has made him a leading figure in the movement toward independence among West European Communist parties, said later that he had been invited to speak and had prepared a sevenminute talk defending his party's independence of Moscow. But he was not given the floor before the two‐day meeting ended this afternoon.

“I'm not sure whether this was discrimination or some kind of honor,” the 62‐year‐old Spaniard said wryly when he got back to his hotel. He plans to return to Madrid tomorrow.

The treatment of Mr. Carrillo and other West European Communists at the ceremonies seemed to reflect continuing differences of opinion within the Soviet leadership on how to deal with parties that say they accept “bourgeois” democracy and reject Soviet dominance.

Three Major Parties Involved

Primarily, these are the French, Italian, and Spanish parties, all of which see at least the possibility of winning enough votes in democratic elections to join a government in their countries. The historical Soviet view, formulated 60 years ago by Lenin, is all or nothing. But there are indications that the Soviet leadership under Leonid I. Brezhnev is divided on how to deal with the new spirit.

“There must be some kind of debate,” Mr. Carrillo said. “Otherwise, they simply would have told me right from the beginning they weren't going to allow me to speak. But as to who is on what side—I do not know the secrets of the Kremlin.”

Last summer he was attacked in the Soviet weekly New Times, but in October, he said, he received an invitation in the name of the Central Committee to come to the 60th anniversary of the October Revolution, so called because it occurred in October 1917 under the old Russian calendar.

The invitation was delivered by Viktor G. Afanasyev, editor of Pravda, the party daily, who said the Russians wanted to restore good relations with the Spanish party.

“I prepared a modest speech.” Mr. Carrillo said, “and I was going to say that we consider the October Revolution the heritage of socialist forces all over the world, but that our party also stresses liberality, independence and the concept of philosophical and political pluralism. For me, the problem is to show them that their October Revolution is one thing, all the rest is something else again.”

Mr. Carrillo was not told why he, almost alone among the Communist visitors, was not allowed to speak. Enrico Berlinguer of Italy did speak, saying that “there can be, of course, no leading or subordinate parties.” Despite his remarks, he was received by Mr. Brezhnev today. Georges Marchais of France, who has also been critical of Moscow, did not come.

The concept of independence for other parties to criticize is difficult for the Soviet leaders to accept. Last year, at a European Communist conference in East Berlin, Mr. Brezhnev compromised and recognized the formal right of each party to decide on its own path to socialism.

But yesterday, evidently addressing the West Europeans, he said in effect that the Soviet path was the only one.

“Power continues to be the main issue in revolution,” he said. “It is either the power of the working class or the power of the bourgeoisie. There is no third possibility.

“At times, the Communists in bourgeois countries are now promised that their ‘right to a place in society’ will be ‘recognized.’ A mere ‘trifle’ is demanded in exchange: that they give up fighting the power of capital, give up fighting for socialism, and abandon international class solidarity. Under no circumstances may principles be sacrificed for the sake of a tactical advantage. Otherwise, as they say, you'll keep your hair but lose your head.”

Pro‐Soviet Western Communists—Alvaro Cunhal of Portugal and Herbert Mies of West Germany, for example—proclaimed their loyalty in the last two days. Mr. Carrillo said the only East European leader who went out of his way to greet him was Janos Kadar of Hungary. “He told me he was glad to see me and thought it was a good thing that I was here,” Mr. Carrillo said.

Mr. Carrillo was accompanied by Dolores Ibarruri, the 81‐year‐old Communist leader who recently returned to Spain after long exile in the Soviet Union, but she did not speak either. Next Thursday, Mr. Carrillo will visit President Tito of Yugoslavia, before going to the United States.

“I am happy to have come to Moscow,” he said today despite his experience. “We want to have good relations with Moscow, with the whole world. In any case, in Madrid we are our own masters.”

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The story of the Moscow gold: How the Spanish war was lost

Francisco Olaya 'El Oro de Negrin'

(Ediciones Madre Tierra, Mostoles 1990)

This book is the product of almost thirty years investigation, involving examination of thousands of books and pamphlets, around a million documents, and the combing of 32 archives in Spain and beyond. Olaya's work is an attempt to come up with a satisfactory explanation of the denouement of the Spanish civil war. He is highly critical of the leadership of the PSOE (Socialist Workers Party of Spain, now in power) during the civil war.

In great and documented detail Olaya examines the whole topic of what has hitherto been known as the 'Moscow gold' and which he re-christens 'Negrin's gold', gold to the tune of 5,500 million pesetas (1937). About half of this sum wound up in the Soviet Union. A small portion went to France. The remainder passed to the republican government's purchasing commissions, set up by Indalecio Prieto of the PSOE to obtain war material.

In 1954 Jose Peirats was commissioned by the CNT -in-exile to write his monumental five volume 'La CNT en la revolucion espanola'. In the course of his researches he was accorded access to documentation belonging to the CNT and in London in the keeping of Polgare. When Polgare died in 1957, access to the documents was offered to Olaya by CNT colleagues aware of his researches. Among the documents, he discovered copies of 52 letters written to Negrin by his special agent, identified only as 'C'.

One of the reports from 'C' is an account of an exchange between Salvador do Madariaga (the philosopher and original wartime Ambassador to Britain) and the British Foreign Minister, in which British preoccupation with helping the Francoist side was evident. Olaya, using textual clues, attempted to Identify 'C'.

At first Olaya suspected one Calvino, who had figured in all the Purchasing Commissions ('C' had complained of corruptions by these commissions). Calvino however denied this and further investigations led Olaya to conclude 'C' had been PSOE luminary Celestino Alvarez. This was confirmed to him by two agents who had been operating on behalf of the CNT - FAI in Paris at the time. Further inquiries led Olaya to records from Turkish customs and cargo checks (by a French secret agent) of shipping that passed through the Dardanelles en route to Spain with foodstuffs and war materials. Olaya lists this information in an appendix to his book.

A record of the accidental discovery (at the bottom of a crate of goods being returned to the USSR as defective or unusable) of gold led Olaya to query the conventional account of the shipment of Spain's gold reserves to the USSR 'for safe keeping'. Other seemingly unrelated evidence led to the conclusion that, aside from the usual shipments, gold was removed from Spain via the diplomatic pouch to Prague and, also, unrecorded, aboard other vessels.

Olaya holds that the war was lost by the republic due to corruption in the Purchasing Commissions plus the failure of Negrin and Prieto (when so informed by 'C') to take remedial action.

Olaya argues that half of the gold reserves were was sent to the USSR and half to France, partly for their use of the Purchasing Commissions and partly to open accounts in the name of specific individuals… an account in Negrin's name held 390 million francs, one in the name of Julio Lopez Masegase held 198 millions. Olaya's book details all these. He says that so far no account has been taken of the assets seized from Franco's supporters, reckoned at almost three times the value of the gold held in Spain's treasury.

Franco was later able to recover a part of what had been described as Negrin's personal treasure. Negrin's ability to realise the value of his gold in France makes nonsense of the claim that gold had to be removed to the USSR for safekeeping. Olaya states: 'I wanted to check out everything sold by C who was Negrin's informant on activities taking place abroad but I wanted confirmation from other sources. To my surprise, I was to amass a wealth of documents that confirmed and expanded upon the whole business'.

In 1988 Olaya's book in manuscript was a finalist for the 'Espejo de Espana' prize awarded by Planeta publishers. However, Planeta refused to publish it, as did all of the other major publishers in Spain. As a result, the book has been issued by Ediciones Madre Tierra (Mother Earth) of Mostoles. Its author claims: 'The book is based on documents and we are not championing any interests or making partisan propaganda, merely telling the whole truth'.

The book's appearance has coincided with a PSOE desire to sell itself to the electorate under the slogan of '100 years of Integrity with the Socialist Party'. Olaya himself has explained 'it may appear that the book has emerged at an opportune time, but no, that is mere coincidence'. ~ Paul S.

In KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 1 [1991]

  • Negrin Lopez, Juan (1887-1956)
  • Olaya, Francisco
  • Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol PSOE
  • Russia / Russian Empire / Soviet Union
  • Spanish Revolution and Spanish Civil War SCW

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