introduction covid 19 pandemic essay

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An Introduction to COVID-19

Simon james fong.

4 Department of Computer and Information Science, University of Macau, Taipa, Macau, China

Nilanjan Dey

5 Department of Information Technology, Techno International New Town, Kolkata, West Bengal India

Jyotismita Chaki

6 School of Information Technology and Engineering, Vellore Institute of Technology, Vellore, Tamil Nadu India

A novel coronavirus (CoV) named ‘2019-nCoV’ or ‘2019 novel coronavirus’ or ‘COVID-19’ by the World Health Organization (WHO) is in charge of the current outbreak of pneumonia that began at the beginning of December 2019 near in Wuhan City, Hubei Province, China [1–4]. COVID-19 is a pathogenic virus. From the phylogenetic analysis carried out with obtainable full genome sequences, bats occur to be the COVID-19 virus reservoir, but the intermediate host(s) has not been detected till now.

A Brief History of the Coronavirus Outbreak

A novel coronavirus (CoV) named ‘2019-nCoV’ or ‘2019 novel coronavirus’ or ‘COVID-19’ by the World Health Organization (WHO) is in charge of the current outbreak of pneumonia that began at the beginning of December 2019 near in Wuhan City, Hubei Province, China [ 1 – 4 ]. COVID-19 is a pathogenic virus. From the phylogenetic analysis carried out with obtainable full genome sequences, bats occur to be the COVID-19 virus reservoir, but the intermediate host(s) has not been detected till now. Though three major areas of work already are ongoing in China to advise our awareness of the pathogenic origin of the outbreak. These include early inquiries of cases with symptoms occurring near in Wuhan during December 2019, ecological sampling from the Huanan Wholesale Seafood Market as well as other area markets, and the collection of detailed reports of the point of origin and type of wildlife species marketed on the Huanan market and the destination of those animals after the market has been closed [ 5 – 8 ].

Coronaviruses mostly cause gastrointestinal and respiratory tract infections and are inherently categorized into four major types: Gammacoronavirus, Deltacoronavirus, Betacoronavirus and Alphacoronavirus [ 9 – 11 ]. The first two types mainly infect birds, while the last two mostly infect mammals. Six types of human CoVs have been formally recognized. These comprise HCoVHKU1, HCoV-OC43, Middle East Respiratory Syndrome coronavirus (MERS-CoV), Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome coronavirus (SARS-CoV) which is the type of the Betacoronavirus, HCoV229E and HCoV-NL63, which are the member of the Alphacoronavirus. Coronaviruses did not draw global concern until the 2003 SARS pandemic [ 12 – 14 ], preceded by the 2012 MERS [ 15 – 17 ] and most recently by the COVID-19 outbreaks. SARS-CoV and MERS-CoV are known to be extremely pathogenic and spread from bats to palm civets or dromedary camels and eventually to humans.

COVID-19 is spread by dust particles and fomites while close unsafe touch between the infector and the infected individual. Airborne distribution has not been recorded for COVID-19 and is not known to be a significant transmission engine based on empirical evidence; although it can be imagined if such aerosol-generating practices are carried out in medical facilities. Faecal spreading has been seen in certain patients, and the active virus has been reported in a small number of clinical studies [ 18 – 20 ]. Furthermore, the faecal-oral route does not seem to be a COVID-19 transmission engine; its function and relevance for COVID-19 need to be identified.

For about 18,738,58 laboratory-confirmed cases recorded as of 2nd week of April 2020, the maximum number of cases (77.8%) was between 30 and 69 years of age. Among the recorded cases, 21.6% are farmers or employees by profession, 51.1% are male and 77.0% are Hubei.

However, there are already many concerns regarding the latest coronavirus. Although it seems to be transferred to humans by animals, it is important to recognize individual animals and other sources, the path of transmission, the incubation cycle, and the features of the susceptible community and the survival rate. Nonetheless, very little clinical knowledge on COVID-19 disease is currently accessible and details on age span, the animal origin of the virus, incubation time, outbreak curve, viral spectroscopy, dissemination pathogenesis, autopsy observations, and any clinical responses to antivirals are lacking among the serious cases.

How Different and Deadly COVID-19 is Compared to Plagues in History

COVID-19 has reached to more than 150 nations, including China, and has caused WHO to call the disease a worldwide pandemic. By the time of 2nd week of April 2020, this COVID-19 cases exceeded 18,738,58, although more than 1,160,45 deaths were recorded worldwide and United States of America became the global epicentre of coronavirus. More than one-third of the COVID-19 instances are outside of China. Past pandemics that have existed in the past decade or so, like bird flu, swine flu, and SARS, it is hard to find out the comparison between those pandemics and this coronavirus. Following is a guide to compare coronavirus with such diseases and recent pandemics that have reformed the world community.

Coronavirus Versus Seasonal Influenza

Influenza, or seasonal flu, occurs globally every year–usually between December and February. It is impossible to determine the number of reports per year because it is not a reportable infection (so no need to be recorded to municipality), so often patients with minor symptoms do not go to a physician. Recent figures placed the Rate of Case Fatality at 0.1% [ 21 – 23 ].

There are approximately 3–5 million reports of serious influenza a year, and about 250,000–500,000 deaths globally. In most developed nations, the majority of deaths arise in persons over 65 years of age. Moreover, it is unsafe for pregnant mothers, children under 59 months of age and individuals with serious illnesses.

The annual vaccination eliminates infection and severe risks in most developing countries but is nevertheless a recognized yet uncomfortable aspect of the season.

In contrast to the seasonal influenza, coronavirus is not so common, has led to fewer cases till now, has a higher rate of case fatality and has no antidote.

Coronavirus Versus Bird Flu (H5N1 and H7N9)

Several cases of bird flu have existed over the years, with the most severe in 2013 and 2016. This is usually from two separate strains—H5N1 and H7N9 [ 24 – 26 ].

The H7N9 outbreak in 2016 accounted for one-third of all confirmed human cases but remained confined relative to both coronavirus and other pandemics/outbreak cases. After the first outbreak, about 1,233 laboratory-confirmed reports of bird flu have occurred. The disease has a Rate of Case Fatality of 20–40%.

Although the percentage is very high, the blowout from individual to individual is restricted, which, in effect, has minimized the number of related deaths. It is also impossible to monitor as birds do not necessarily expire from sickness.

In contrast to the bird flu, coronavirus becomes more common, travels more quickly through human to human interaction, has an inferior cardiothoracic ratio, resulting in further total fatalities and spread from the initial source.

Coronavirus Versus Ebola Epidemic

The Ebola epidemic of 2013 was primarily centred in 10 nations, including Sierra Leone, Guinea and Liberia have the greatest effects, but the extremely high Case Fatality Rate of 40% has created this as a significant problem for health professionals nationwide [ 27 – 29 ].

Around 2013 and 2016, there were about 28,646 suspicious incidents and about 11,323 fatalities, although these are expected to be overlooked. Those who survived from the original epidemic may still become sick months or even years later, because the infection may stay inactive for prolonged periods. Thankfully, a vaccination was launched in December 2016 and is perceived to be effective.

In contrast to the Ebola, coronavirus is more common globally, has caused in fewer fatalities, has a lesser case fatality rate, has no reported problems during treatment and after recovery, does not have an appropriate vaccination.

Coronavirus Versus Camel Flu (MERS)

Camel flu is a misnomer–though camels have MERS antibodies and may have been included in the transmission of the disease; it was originally transmitted to humans through bats [ 30 – 32 ]. Like Ebola, it infected only a limited number of nations, i.e. about 27, but about 858 fatalities from about 2,494 laboratory-confirmed reports suggested that it was a significant threat if no steps were taken in place to control it.

In contrast to the camel flu, coronavirus is more common globally, has occurred more fatalities, has a lesser case fatality rate, and spreads more easily among humans.

Coronavirus Versus Swine Flu (H1N1)

Swine flu is the same form of influenza that wiped 1.7% of the world population in 1918. This was deemed a pandemic again in June 2009 an approximately-21% of the global population infected by this [ 33 – 35 ].

Thankfully, the case fatality rate is substantially lower than in the last pandemic, with 0.1%–0.5% of events ending in death. About 18,500 of these fatalities have been laboratory-confirmed, but statistics range as high as 151,700–575,400 worldwide. 50–80% of severe occurrences have been reported in individuals with chronic illnesses like asthma, obesity, cardiovascular diseases and diabetes.

In contrast to the swine flu, coronavirus is not so common, has caused fewer fatalities, has more case fatality rate, has a longer growth time and less impact on young people.

Coronavirus Versus Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS)

SARS was discovered in 2003 as it spread from bats to humans resulted in about 774 fatalities. By May there were eventually about 8,100 reports across 17 countries, with a 15% case fatality rate. The number is estimated to be closer to 9.6% as confirmed cases are counted, with 0.9% cardiothoracic ratio for people aged 20–29, rising to 28% for people aged 70–79. Similar to coronavirus, SARS had bad results for males than females in all age categories [ 36 – 38 ].

Coronavirus is more common relative to SARS, which ended in more overall fatalities, lower case fatality rate, the even higher case fatality rate in older ages, and poorer results for males.

Coronavirus Versus Hong Kong Flu (H3N2)

The Hong Kong flu pandemic erupted on 13 July 1968, with 1–4 million deaths globally by 1969. It was one of the greatest flu pandemics of the twentieth century, but thankfully the case fatality rate was smaller than the epidemic of 1918, resulting in fewer fatalities overall. That may have been attributed to the fact that citizens had generated immunity owing to a previous epidemic in 1957 and to better medical treatment [ 39 ].

In contrast to the Hong Kong flu, coronavirus is not so common, has caused in fewer fatalities and has a higher case fatality rate.

Coronavirus Versus Spanish Flu (H1N1)

The 1918 Spanish flu pandemic was one of the greatest occurrences of recorded history. During the first year of the pandemic, lifespan in the US dropped by 12 years, with more civilians killed than HIV/AIDS in 24 h [ 40 – 42 ].

Regardless of the name, the epidemic did not necessarily arise in Spain; wartime censors in Germany, the United States, the United Kingdom and France blocked news of the disease, but Spain did not, creating the misleading perception that more cases and fatalities had occurred relative to its neighbours

This strain of H1N1 eventually affected more than 500 million men, or 27% of the world’s population at the moment, and had deaths of between 40 and 50 million. At the end of 1920, 1.7% of the world’s people had expired of this illness, including an exceptionally high death rate for young adults aged between 20 and 40 years.

In contrast to the Spanish flu, coronavirus is not so common, has caused in fewer fatalities, has a higher case fatality rate, is more harmful to older ages and is less risky for individuals aged 20–40 years.

Coronavirus Versus Common Cold (Typically Rhinovirus)

Common cold is the most common illness impacting people—Typically, a person suffers from 2–3 colds each year and the average kid will catch 6–8 during the similar time span. Although there are more than 200 cold-associated virus types, infections are uncommon and fatalities are very rare and typically arise mainly in extremely old, extremely young or immunosuppressed cases [ 43 , 44 ].

In contrast to the common cold, coronavirus is not so prevalent, causes more fatalities, has more case fatality rate, is less infectious and is less likely to impact small children.

Reviews of Online Portals and Social Media for Epidemic Information Dissemination

As COVID-19 started to propagate across the globe, the outbreak contributed to a significant change in the broad technology platforms. Where they once declined to engage in the affairs of their systems, except though the possible danger to public safety became obvious, the advent of a novel coronavirus placed them in a different interventionist way of thought. Big tech firms and social media are taking concrete steps to guide users to relevant, credible details on the virus [ 45 – 48 ]. And some of the measures they’re doing proactively. Below are a few of them.

Facebook started adding a box in the news feed that led users to the Centers for Disease Control website regarding COVID-19. It reflects a significant departure from the company’s normal strategy of placing items in the News Feed. The purpose of the update, after all, is personalization—Facebook tries to give the posts you’re going to care about, whether it is because you’re connected with a person or like a post. In the virus package, Facebook has placed a remarkable algorithmic thumb on the scale, potentially pushing millions of people to accurate, authenticated knowledge from a reputable source.

Similar initiatives have been adopted by Twitter. Searching for COVID-19 will carry you to a page highlighting the latest reports from public health groups and credible national news outlets. The search also allows for common misspellings. Twitter has stated that although Russian-style initiatives to cause discontent by large-scale intelligence operations have not yet been observed, a zero-tolerance approach to network exploitation and all other attempts to exploit their service at this crucial juncture will be expected. The problem has the attention of the organization. It also offers promotional support to public service agencies and other non-profit groups.

Google has made a step in making it better for those who choose to operate or research from home, offering specialized streaming services to all paying G Suite customers. Google also confirmed that free access to ‘advanced’ Hangouts Meet apps will be rolled out to both G Suite and G Suite for Education clients worldwide through 1st July. It ensures that companies can hold meetings of up to 250 people, broadcast live to up to about 100,000 users within a single network, and archive and export meetings to Google Drive. Usually, Google pays an additional $13 per person per month for these services in comparison to G Suite’s ‘enterprise’ membership, which adds up to a total of about $25 per client each month.

Microsoft took a similar move, introducing the software ‘Chat Device’ to help public health and protection in the coronavirus epidemic, which enables collaborative collaboration via video and text messaging. There’s an aspect of self-interest in this. Tech firms are offering out their goods free of charge during periods of emergency for the same purpose as newspapers are reducing their paywalls: it’s nice to draw more paying consumers.

Pinterest, which has introduced much of the anti-misinformation strategies that Facebook and Twitter are already embracing, is now restricting the search results for ‘coronavirus’, ‘COVID-19’ and similar words for ‘internationally recognized health organizations’.

Google-owned YouTube, traditionally the most conspiratorial website, has recently introduced a connection to the World Health Organization virus epidemic page to the top of the search results. In the early days of the epidemic, BuzzFeed found famous coronavirus conspiratorial videos on YouTube—especially in India, where one ‘explain’ with a false interpretation of the sources of the disease racketeered 13 million views before YouTube deleted it. Yet in the United States, conspiratorial posts regarding the illness have failed to gain only 1 million views.

That’s not to suggest that misinformation doesn’t propagate on digital platforms—just as it travels through the broader Internet, even though interaction with friends and relatives. When there’s a site that appears to be under-performing in the global epidemic, it’s Facebook-owned WhatsApp, where the Washington Post reported ‘a torrent of disinformation’ in places like Nigeria, Indonesia, Peru, Pakistan and Ireland. Given the encrypted existence of the app, it is difficult to measure the severity of the problem. Misinformation is also spread in WhatsApp communities, where participation is restricted to about 250 individuals. Knowledge of one category may be readily exchanged with another; however, there is a considerable amount of complexity of rotating several groups to peddle affected healing remedies or propagate false rumours.

Preventative Measures and Policies Enforced by the World Health Organization (WHO) and Different Countries

Coronavirus is already an ongoing epidemic, so it is necessary to take precautions to minimize both the risk of being sick and the transmission of the disease.

WHO Advice [ 49 ]

• Wash hands regularly with alcohol-based hand wash or soap and water.
• Preserve contact space (at least 1 m/3 feet between you and someone who sneezes or coughs).
• Don’t touch your nose, head and ears.
• Cover your nose and mouth as you sneeze or cough, preferably with your bent elbow or tissue.
• Try to find early medical attention if you have fatigue, cough and trouble breathing.
• Take preventive precautions if you are in or have recently go to places where coronavirus spreads.

The first person believed to have become sick because of the latest virus was near in Wuhan on 1 December 2019. A formal warning of the epidemic was released on 31 December. The World Health Organization was informed of the epidemic on the same day. Through 7 January, the Chinese Government addressed the avoidance and regulation of COVID-19. A curfew was declared on 23 January to prohibit flying in and out of Wuhan. Private usage of cars has been banned in the region. Chinese New Year (25 January) festivities have been cancelled in many locations [ 50 ].

On 26 January, the Communist Party and the Government adopted more steps to contain the COVID-19 epidemic, including safety warnings for travellers and improvements to national holidays. The leading party has agreed to prolong the Spring Festival holiday to control the outbreak. Universities and schools across the world have already been locked down. Many steps have been taken by the Hong Kong and Macau governments, in particular concerning schools and colleges. Remote job initiatives have been placed in effect in many regions of China. Several immigration limits have been enforced.

Certain counties and cities outside Hubei also implemented travel limits. Public transit has been changed and museums in China have been partially removed. Some experts challenged the quality of the number of cases announced by the Chinese Government, which constantly modified the way coronavirus cases were recorded.

Italy, a member state of the European Union and a popular tourist attraction, entered the list of coronavirus-affected nations on 30 January, when two positive cases in COVID-19 were identified among Chinese tourists. Italy has the largest number of coronavirus infections both in Europe and outside of China [ 51 ].

Infections, originally limited to northern Italy, gradually spread to all other areas. Many other nations in Asia, Europe and the Americas have tracked their local cases to Italy. Several Italian travellers were even infected with coronavirus-positive in foreign nations.

Late in Italy, the most impacted coronavirus cities and counties are Lombardia, accompanied by Veneto, Emilia-Romagna, Marche and Piedmonte. Milan, the second most populated city in Italy, is situated in Lombardy. Other regions in Italy with coronavirus comprised Campania, Toscana, Liguria, Lazio, Sicilia, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Umbria, Puglia, Trento, Abruzzo, Calabria, Molise, Valle d’Aosta, Sardegna, Bolzano and Basilicata.

Italy ranks 19th of the top 30 nations getting high-risk coronavirus airline passengers in China, as per WorldPop’s provisional study of the spread of COVID-19.

The Italian State has taken steps like the inspection and termination of large cultural activities during the early days of the coronavirus epidemic and has gradually declared the closing of educational establishments and airport hygiene/disinfection initiatives.

The Italian National Institute of Health suggested social distancing and agreed that the broader community of the country’s elderly is a problem. In the meantime, several other nations, including the US, have recommended that travel to Italy should be avoided temporarily, unless necessary.

The Italian government has declared the closing (quarantine) of the impacted areas in the northern region of the nation so as not to spread to the rest of the world. Italy has declared the immediate suspension of all to-and-fro air travel with China following coronavirus discovery by a Chinese tourist to Italy. Italian airlines, like Ryan Air, have begun introducing protective steps and have begun calling for the declaration forms to be submitted by passengers flying to Poland, Slovakia and Lithuania.

The Italian government first declined to permit fans to compete in sporting activities until early April to prevent the potential transmission of coronavirus. The step ensured players of health and stopped event cancellations because of coronavirus fears. Two days of the declaration, the government cancelled all athletic activities owing to the emergence of the outbreak asking for an emergency. Sports activities in Veneto, Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna, which recorded coronavirus-positive infections, were confirmed to be temporarily suspended. Schools and colleges in Italy have also been forced to shut down.

Iran announced the first recorded cases of SARS-CoV-2 infection on 19 February when, as per the Medical Education and Ministry of Health, two persons died later that day. The Ministry of Islamic Culture and Guidance has declared the cancellation of all concerts and other cultural activities for one week. The Medical Education and Ministry of Health has also declared the closing of universities, higher education colleges and schools in many cities and regions. The Department of Sports and Culture has taken action to suspend athletic activities, including football matches [ 52 ].

On 2 March 2020, the government revealed plans to train about 300,000 troops and volunteers to fight the outbreak of the epidemic, and also send robots and water cannons to clean the cities. The State also developed an initiative and a webpage to counter the epidemic. On 9 March 2020, nearly 70,000 inmates were immediately released from jail owing to the epidemic, presumably to prevent the further dissemination of the disease inside jails. The Revolutionary Guards declared a campaign on 13 March 2020 to clear highways, stores and public areas in Iran. President Hassan Rouhani stated on 26 February 2020 that there were no arrangements to quarantine areas impacted by the epidemic and only persons should be quarantined. The temples of Shia in Qom stayed open to pilgrims.

South Korea

On 20 January, South Korea announced its first occurrence. There was a large rise in cases on 20 February, possibly due to the meeting in Daegu of a progressive faith community recognized as the Shincheonji Church of Christ. Any citizens believed that the hospital was propagating the disease. As of 22 February, 1,261 of the 9,336 members of the church registered symptoms. A petition was distributed calling for the abolition of the church. More than 2,000 verified cases were registered on 28 February, increasing to 3,150 on 29 February [ 53 ].

Several educational establishments have been partially closing down, including hundreds of kindergartens in Daegu and many primary schools in Seoul. As of 18 February, several South Korean colleges had confirmed intentions to delay the launch of the spring semester. That included 155 institutions deciding to postpone the start of the semester by two weeks until 16 March, and 22 institutions deciding to delay the start of the semester by one week until 9 March. Also, on 23 February 2020, all primary schools, kindergartens, middle schools and secondary schools were declared to postpone the start of the semester from 2 March to 9 March.

South Korea’s economy is expected to expand by 1.9%, down from 2.1%. The State has given 136.7 billion won funding to local councils. The State has also coordinated the purchase of masks and other sanitary supplies. Entertainment Company SM Entertainment is confirmed to have contributed five hundred million won in attempts to fight the disease.

In the kpop industry, the widespread dissemination of coronavirus within South Korea has contributed to the cancellation or postponement of concerts and other programmes for kpop activities inside and outside South Korea. For instance, circumstances such as the cancellation of the remaining Asian dates and the European leg for the Seventeen’s Ode To You Tour on 9 February 2020 and the cancellation of all Seoul dates for the BTS Soul Tour Map. As of 15 March, a maximum of 136 countries and regions provided entry restrictions and/or expired visas for passengers from South Korea.

The overall reported cases of coronavirus rose significantly in France on 12 March. The areas with reported cases include Paris, Amiens, Bordeaux and Eastern Haute-Savoie. The first coronaviral death happened in France on 15 February, marking it the first death in Europe. The second death of a 60-year-old French national in Paris was announced on 26 February [ 54 ].

On February 28, fashion designer Agnès B. (not to be mistaken with Agnès Buzyn) cancelled fashion shows at the Paris Fashion Week, expected to continue until 3 March. On a subsequent day, the Paris half-marathon, planned for Sunday 1 March with 44,000 entrants, was postponed as one of a series of steps declared by Health Minister Olivier Véran.

On 13 March, the Ligue de Football Professional disbanded Ligue 1 and Ligue 2 (France’s tier two professional divisions) permanently due to safety threats.

Germany has a popular Regional Pandemic Strategy detailing the roles and activities of the health care system participants in the case of a significant outbreak. Epidemic surveillance is carried out by the federal government, like the Robert Koch Center, and by the German governments. The German States have their preparations for an outbreak. The regional strategy for the treatment of the current coronavirus epidemic was expanded by March 2020. Four primary goals are contained in this plan: (1) to minimize mortality and morbidity; (2) to guarantee the safety of sick persons; (3) to protect vital health services and (4) to offer concise and reliable reports to decision-makers, the media and the public [ 55 ].

The programme has three phases that may potentially overlap: (1) isolation (situation of individual cases and clusters), (2) safety (situation of further dissemination of pathogens and suspected causes of infection), (3) prevention (situation of widespread infection). So far, Germany has not set up border controls or common health condition tests at airports. Instead, while at the isolation stage-health officials are concentrating on recognizing contact individuals that are subject to specific quarantine and are tracked and checked. Specific quarantine is regulated by municipal health authorities. By doing so, the officials are seeking to hold the chains of infection small, contributing to decreased clusters. At the safety stage, the policy should shift to prevent susceptible individuals from being harmed by direct action. By the end of the day, the prevention process should aim to prevent cycles of acute treatment to retain emergency facilities.

United States

The very first case of coronavirus in the United States was identified in Washington on 21 January 2020 by an individual who flew to Wuhan and returned to the United States. The second case was recorded in Illinois by another individual who had travelled to Wuhan. Some of the regions with reported novel coronavirus infections in the US are California, Arizona, Connecticut, Illinois, Texas, Wisconsin and Washington [ 56 ].

As the epidemic increased, requests for domestic air travel decreased dramatically. By 4 March, U.S. carriers, like United Airlines and JetBlue Airways, started growing their domestic flight schedules, providing generous unpaid leave to workers and suspending recruits.

A significant number of universities and colleges cancelled classes and reopened dormitories in response to the epidemic, like Cornell University, Harvard University and the University of South Carolina.

On 3 March 2020, the Federal Reserve reduced its goal interest rate from 1.75% to 1.25%, the biggest emergency rate cut following the 2008 global financial crash, in combat the effect of the recession on the American economy. In February 2020, US businesses, including Apple Inc. and Microsoft, started to reduce sales projections due to supply chain delays in China caused by the COVID-19.

The pandemic, together with the subsequent financial market collapse, also contributed to greater criticism of the crisis in the United States. Researchers disagree about when a recession is likely to take effect, with others suggesting that it is not unavoidable, while some claim that the world might already be in recession. On 3 March, Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell reported a 0.5% (50 basis point) interest rate cut from the coronavirus in the context of the evolving threats to economic growth.

When ‘social distance’ penetrated the national lexicon, disaster response officials promoted the cancellation of broad events to slow down the risk of infection. Technical conferences like E3 2020, Apple Inc.’s Worldwide Developers Conference (WWDC), Google I/O, Facebook F8, and Cloud Next and Microsoft’s MVP Conference have been either having replaced or cancelled in-person events with internet streaming events.

On February 29, the American Physical Society postponed its annual March gathering, planned for March 2–6 in Denver, Colorado, even though most of the more than 11,000 physicist attendees already had arrived and engaged in the pre-conference day activities. On March 6, the annual South to Southwest (SXSW) seminar and festival planned to take place from March 13–22 in Austin, Texas, was postponed after the city council announced a local disaster and forced conferences to be shut down for the first time in 34 years.

Four of North America’s major professional sports leagues—the National Hockey League (NHL), National Basketball Association (NBA), Major League Soccer (MLS) and Major League Baseball (MLB) —jointly declared on March 9 that they would all limit the media access to player accommodations (such as locker rooms) to control probable exposure.

Emergency Funding to Fight the COVID-19

COVID-19 pandemic has become a common international concern. Different countries are donating funds to fight against it [ 57 – 60 ]. Some of them are mentioned here.

China has allocated about 110.48 billion yuan ($15.93 billion) in coronavirus-related funding.

Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif said that Iran has requested the International Monetary Fund (IMF) of about $5 billion in emergency funding to help to tackle the coronavirus epidemic that has struck the Islamic Republic hard.

President Donald Trump approved the Emergency Supplementary Budget Bill to support the US response to a novel coronavirus epidemic. The budget plan would include about $8.3 billion in discretionary funding to local health authorities to promote vaccine research for production. Trump originally requested just about $2 billion to combat the epidemic, but Congress quadrupled the number in its version of the bill. Mr. Trump formally announced a national emergency that he claimed it will give states and territories access to up to about $50 billion in federal funding to tackle the spread of the coronavirus outbreak.

California politicians approved a plan to donate about $1 billion on the state’s emergency medical responses as it readies hospitals to fight an expected attack of patients because of the COVID-19 pandemic. The plans, drawn up rapidly in reaction to the dramatic rise in reported cases of the virus, would include the requisite funds to establish two new hospitals in California, with the assumption that the state may not have the resources to take care of the rise in patients. The bill calls for an immediate response of about $500 million from the State General Fund, with an additional about $500 million possible if requested.

India committed about $10 million to the COVID-19 Emergency Fund and said it was setting up a rapid response team of physicians for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc) countries.

South Korea unveiled an economic stimulus package of about 11.7 trillion won ($9.8 billion) to soften the effects of the biggest coronavirus epidemic outside China as attempts to curb the disease exacerbate supply shortages and drain demand. Of the 11,7 trillion won expected, about 3.2 trillion won would cover up the budget shortfall, while an additional fiscal infusion of about 8.5 trillion won. An estimated 10.3 trillion won in government bonds will be sold this year to fund the extra expenditure. About 2.3 trillion won will be distributed to medical establishments and would support quarantine operations, with another 3.0 trillion won heading to small and medium-sized companies unable to pay salaries to their employees and child care supports.

The Swedish Parliament announced a set of initiatives costing more than 300 billion Swedish crowns ($30.94 billion) to help the economy in the view of the coronavirus pandemic. The plan contained steps like the central government paying the entire expense of the company’s sick leave during April and May, and also the high cost of compulsory redundancies owing to the crisis.

In consideration of the developing scenario, an updating of this strategy is planned to take place before the end of March and will recognize considerably greater funding demands for the country response, R&D and WHO itself.

Artificial Intelligence, Data Science and Technological Solutions Against COVID-19

These days, Artificial Intelligence (AI) takes a major role in health care. Throughout a worldwide pandemic such as the COVID-19, technology, artificial intelligence and data analytics have been crucial in helping communities cope successfully with the epidemic [ 61 – 65 ]. Through the aid of data mining and analytical modelling, medical practitioners are willing to learn more about several diseases.

Public Health Surveillance

The biggest risk of coronavirus is the level of spreading. That’s why policymakers are introducing steps like quarantines around the world because they can’t adequately monitor local outbreaks. One of the simplest measures to identify ill patients through the study of CCTV images that are still around us and to locate and separate individuals that have serious signs of the disease and who have touched and disinfected the related surfaces. Smartphone applications are often used to keep a watch on people’s activities and to assess whether or not they have come in touch with an infected human.

Remote Biosignal Measurement

Many of the signs such as temperature or heartbeat are very essential to overlook and rely entirely on the visual image that may be misleading. However, of course, we can’t prevent someone from checking their blood pressure, heart or temperature. Also, several advances in computer vision can predict pulse and blood pressure based on facial skin examination. Besides, there are several advances in computer vision that can predict pulse and blood pressure based on facial skin examination.

Access to public records has contributed to the development of dashboards that constantly track the virus. Several companies are designing large data dashboards. Face recognition and infrared temperature monitoring technologies have been mounted in all major cities. Chinese AI companies including Hanwang Technology and SenseTime have reported having established a special facial recognition system that can correctly identify people even though they are covered.

IoT and Wearables

Measurements like pulse are much more natural and easier to obtain from tracking gadgets like activity trackers and smartwatches that nearly everybody has already. Some work suggests that the study of cardiac activity and its variations from the standard will reveal early signs of influenza and, in this case, coronavirus.

Chatbots and Communication

Apart from public screening, people’s knowledge and self-assessment may also be used to track their health. If you can check your temperature and pulse every day and monitor your coughs time-to-time, you can even submit that to your record. If the symptoms are too serious, either an algorithm or a doctor remotely may prescribe a person to stay home, take several other preventive measures, or recommend a visit from the doctor.

Al Jazeera announced that China Mobile had sent text messages to state media departments, telling them about the citizens who had been affected. The communications contained all the specifics of the person’s travel history.

Tencent runs WeChat, and via it, citizens can use free online health consultation services. Chatbots have already become important connectivity platforms for transport and tourism service providers to keep passengers up-to-date with the current transport protocols and disturbances.

Social Media and Open Data

There are several people who post their health diary with total strangers via Facebook or Twitter. Such data becomes helpful for more general research about how far the epidemic has progressed. For consumer knowledge, we may even evaluate the social network group to attempt to predict what specific networks are at risk of being viral.

Canadian company BlueDot analyses far more than just social network data: for instance, global activities of more than four billion passengers on international flights per year; animal, human and insect population data; satellite environment data and relevant knowledge from health professionals and journalists, across 100,000 news posts per day covering 65 languages. This strategy was so successful that the corporation was able to alert clients about coronavirus until the World Health Organization and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention notified the public.

Automated Diagnostics

COVID-19 has brought up another healthcare issue today: it will not scale when the number of patients increases exponentially (actually stressed doctors are always doing worse) and the rate of false-negative diagnosis remains very high. Machine learning therapies don’t get bored and scale simply by growing computing forces.

Baidu, the Chinese Internet company, has made the Lineatrfold algorithm accessible to the outbreak-fighting teams, according to the MIT Technology Review. Unlike HIV, Ebola and Influenza, COVID-19 has just one strand of RNA and it can mutate easily. The algorithm is also simpler than other algorithms that help to determine the nature of the virus. Baidu has also developed software to efficiently track large populations. It has also developed an Ai-powered infrared device that can detect a difference in the body temperature of a human. This is currently being used in Beijing’s Qinghe Railway Station to classify possibly contaminated travellers where up to 200 individuals may be checked in one minute without affecting traffic movement, reports the MIT Review.

Singapore-based Veredus Laboratories, a supplier of revolutionary molecular diagnostic tools, has currently announced the launch of the VereCoV detector package, a compact Lab-on-Chip device able to detect MERS-CoV, SARS-CoV and COVID-19, i.e. Wuhan Coronavirus, in a single study.

The VereCoV identification package is focused on VereChip technology, a Lab-on-Chip device that incorporates two important molecular biological systems, Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) and a microarray, which will be able to classify and distinguish within 2 h MERS-CoV, SARS-CoV and COVID-19 with high precision and responsiveness.

This is not just the medical activities of healthcare facilities that are being charged, but also the corporate and financial departments when they cope with the increase in patients. Ant Financials’ blockchain technology helps speed-up the collection of reports and decreases the number of face-to-face encounters with patients and medical personnel.

Companies like the Israeli company Sonovia are aiming to provide healthcare systems and others with face masks manufactured from their anti-pathogenic, anti-bacterial cloth that depends on metal-oxide nanoparticles.

Drug Development Research

Aside from identifying and stopping the transmission of pathogens, the need to develop vaccinations on a scale is also needed. One of the crucial things to make that possible is to consider the origin and essence of the virus. Google’s DeepMind, with their expertise in protein folding research, has rendered a jump in identifying the protein structure of the virus and making it open-source.

BenevolentAI uses AI technologies to develop medicines that will combat the most dangerous diseases in the world and is also working to promote attempts to cure coronavirus, the first time the organization has based its product on infectious diseases. Within weeks of the epidemic, it used its analytical capability to recommend new medicines that might be beneficial.

Robots are not vulnerable to the infection, and they are used to conduct other activities, like cooking meals in hospitals, doubling up as waiters in hotels, spraying disinfectants and washing, selling rice and hand sanitizers, robots are on the front lines all over to deter coronavirus spread. Robots also conduct diagnostics and thermal imaging in several hospitals. Shenzhen-based firm Multicopter uses robotics to move surgical samples. UVD robots from Blue Ocean Robotics use ultraviolet light to destroy viruses and bacteria separately. In China, Pudu Technology has introduced its robots, which are usually used in the cooking industry, to more than 40 hospitals throughout the region. According to the Reuters article, a tiny robot named Little Peanut is distributing food to passengers who have been on a flight from Singapore to Hangzhou, China, and are presently being quarantined in a hotel.

Colour Coding

Using its advanced and vast public service monitoring network, the Chinese government has collaborated with software companies Alibaba and Tencent to establish a colour-coded health ranking scheme that monitors millions of citizens every day. The mobile device was first introduced in Hangzhou with the cooperation of Alibaba. This applies three colours to people—red, green or yellow—based on their transportation and medical records. Tencent also developed related applications in the manufacturing centre of Shenzhen.

The decision of whether an individual will be quarantined or permitted in public spaces is dependent on the colour code. Citizens will sign into the system using pay wallet systems such as Alibaba’s Alipay and Ant’s wallet. Just those citizens who have been issued a green colour code will be permitted to use the QR code in public spaces at metro stations, workplaces, and other public areas. Checkpoints are in most public areas where the body temperature and the code of individual are tested. This programme is being used by more than 200 Chinese communities and will eventually be expanded nationwide.

In some of the seriously infected regions where people remain at risk of contracting the infection, drones are used to rescue. One of the easiest and quickest ways to bring emergency supplies where they need to go while on an epidemic of disease is by drone transportation. Drones carry all surgical instruments and patient samples. This saves time, improves the pace of distribution and reduces the chance of contamination of medical samples. Drones often operate QR code placards that can be checked to record health records. There are also agricultural drones distributing disinfectants in the farmland. Drones, operated by facial recognition, are often used to warn people not to leave their homes and to chide them for not using face masks. Terra Drone uses its unmanned drones to move patient samples and vaccination content at reduced risk between the Xinchang County Disease Control Center and the People’s Hospital. Drones are often used to monitor public areas, document non-compliance with quarantine laws and thermal imaging.

Autonomous Vehicles

At a period of considerable uncertainty to medical professionals and the danger to people-to-people communication, automated vehicles are proving to be of tremendous benefit in the transport of vital products, such as medications and foodstuffs. Apollo, the Baidu Autonomous Vehicle Project, has joined hands with the Neolix self-driving company to distribute food and supplies to a big hospital in Beijing. Baidu Apollo has also provided its micro-car packages and automated cloud driving systems accessible free of charge to virus-fighting organizations.

Idriverplus, a Chinese self-driving organization that runs electrical street cleaning vehicles, is also part of the project. The company’s signature trucks are used to clean hospitals.

This chapter provides an introduction to the coronavirus outbreak (COVID-19). A brief history of this virus along with the symptoms are reported in this chapter. Then the comparison between COVID-19 and other plagues like seasonal influenza, bird flu (H5N1 and H7N9), Ebola epidemic, camel flu (MERS), swine flu (H1N1), severe acute respiratory syndrome, Hong Kong flu (H3N2), Spanish flu and the common cold are included in this chapter. Reviews of online portal and social media like Facebook, Twitter, Google, Microsoft, Pinterest, YouTube and WhatsApp concerning COVID-19 are reported in this chapter. Also, the preventive measures and policies enforced by WHO and different countries such as China, Italy, Iran, South Korea, France, Germany and the United States for COVID-19 are included in this chapter. Emergency funding provided by different countries to fight the COVID-19 is mentioned in this chapter. Lastly, artificial intelligence, data science and technological solutions like public health surveillance, remote biosignal measurement, IoT and wearables, chatbots and communication, social media and open data, automated diagnostics, drug development research, robotics, colour coding, drones and autonomous vehicles are included in this chapter.

How to Write About Coronavirus in a College Essay

Students can share how they navigated life during the coronavirus pandemic in a full-length essay or an optional supplement.

Writing About COVID-19 in College Essays

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Experts say students should be honest and not limit themselves to merely their experiences with the pandemic.

The global impact of COVID-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus, means colleges and prospective students alike are in for an admissions cycle like no other. Both face unprecedented challenges and questions as they grapple with their respective futures amid the ongoing fallout of the pandemic.

Colleges must examine applicants without the aid of standardized test scores for many – a factor that prompted many schools to go test-optional for now . Even grades, a significant component of a college application, may be hard to interpret with some high schools adopting pass-fail classes last spring due to the pandemic. Major college admissions factors are suddenly skewed.

"I can't help but think other (admissions) factors are going to matter more," says Ethan Sawyer, founder of the College Essay Guy, a website that offers free and paid essay-writing resources.

College essays and letters of recommendation , Sawyer says, are likely to carry more weight than ever in this admissions cycle. And many essays will likely focus on how the pandemic shaped students' lives throughout an often tumultuous 2020.

But before writing a college essay focused on the coronavirus, students should explore whether it's the best topic for them.

Writing About COVID-19 for a College Application

Much of daily life has been colored by the coronavirus. Virtual learning is the norm at many colleges and high schools, many extracurriculars have vanished and social lives have stalled for students complying with measures to stop the spread of COVID-19.

"For some young people, the pandemic took away what they envisioned as their senior year," says Robert Alexander, dean of admissions, financial aid and enrollment management at the University of Rochester in New York. "Maybe that's a spot on a varsity athletic team or the lead role in the fall play. And it's OK for them to mourn what should have been and what they feel like they lost, but more important is how are they making the most of the opportunities they do have?"

That question, Alexander says, is what colleges want answered if students choose to address COVID-19 in their college essay.

But the question of whether a student should write about the coronavirus is tricky. The answer depends largely on the student.

"In general, I don't think students should write about COVID-19 in their main personal statement for their application," Robin Miller, master college admissions counselor at IvyWise, a college counseling company, wrote in an email.

"Certainly, there may be exceptions to this based on a student's individual experience, but since the personal essay is the main place in the application where the student can really allow their voice to be heard and share insight into who they are as an individual, there are likely many other topics they can choose to write about that are more distinctive and unique than COVID-19," Miller says.

Opinions among admissions experts vary on whether to write about the likely popular topic of the pandemic.

"If your essay communicates something positive, unique, and compelling about you in an interesting and eloquent way, go for it," Carolyn Pippen, principal college admissions counselor at IvyWise, wrote in an email. She adds that students shouldn't be dissuaded from writing about a topic merely because it's common, noting that "topics are bound to repeat, no matter how hard we try to avoid it."

Above all, she urges honesty.

"If your experience within the context of the pandemic has been truly unique, then write about that experience, and the standing out will take care of itself," Pippen says. "If your experience has been generally the same as most other students in your context, then trying to find a unique angle can easily cross the line into exploiting a tragedy, or at least appearing as though you have."

But focusing entirely on the pandemic can limit a student to a single story and narrow who they are in an application, Sawyer says. "There are so many wonderful possibilities for what you can say about yourself outside of your experience within the pandemic."

He notes that passions, strengths, career interests and personal identity are among the multitude of essay topic options available to applicants and encourages them to probe their values to help determine the topic that matters most to them – and write about it.

That doesn't mean the pandemic experience has to be ignored if applicants feel the need to write about it.

Writing About Coronavirus in Main and Supplemental Essays

Students can choose to write a full-length college essay on the coronavirus or summarize their experience in a shorter form.

To help students explain how the pandemic affected them, The Common App has added an optional section to address this topic. Applicants have 250 words to describe their pandemic experience and the personal and academic impact of COVID-19.

"That's not a trick question, and there's no right or wrong answer," Alexander says. Colleges want to know, he adds, how students navigated the pandemic, how they prioritized their time, what responsibilities they took on and what they learned along the way.

If students can distill all of the above information into 250 words, there's likely no need to write about it in a full-length college essay, experts say. And applicants whose lives were not heavily altered by the pandemic may even choose to skip the optional COVID-19 question.

"This space is best used to discuss hardship and/or significant challenges that the student and/or the student's family experienced as a result of COVID-19 and how they have responded to those difficulties," Miller notes. Using the section to acknowledge a lack of impact, she adds, "could be perceived as trite and lacking insight, despite the good intentions of the applicant."

To guard against this lack of awareness, Sawyer encourages students to tap someone they trust to review their writing , whether it's the 250-word Common App response or the full-length essay.

Experts tend to agree that the short-form approach to this as an essay topic works better, but there are exceptions. And if a student does have a coronavirus story that he or she feels must be told, Alexander encourages the writer to be authentic in the essay.

"My advice for an essay about COVID-19 is the same as my advice about an essay for any topic – and that is, don't write what you think we want to read or hear," Alexander says. "Write what really changed you and that story that now is yours and yours alone to tell."

Sawyer urges students to ask themselves, "What's the sentence that only I can write?" He also encourages students to remember that the pandemic is only a chapter of their lives and not the whole book.

Miller, who cautions against writing a full-length essay on the coronavirus, says that if students choose to do so they should have a conversation with their high school counselor about whether that's the right move. And if students choose to proceed with COVID-19 as a topic, she says they need to be clear, detailed and insightful about what they learned and how they adapted along the way.

"Approaching the essay in this manner will provide important balance while demonstrating personal growth and vulnerability," Miller says.

Pippen encourages students to remember that they are in an unprecedented time for college admissions.

"It is important to keep in mind with all of these (admission) factors that no colleges have ever had to consider them this way in the selection process, if at all," Pippen says. "They have had very little time to calibrate their evaluations of different application components within their offices, let alone across institutions. This means that colleges will all be handling the admissions process a little bit differently, and their approaches may even evolve over the course of the admissions cycle."

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COVID-19 Pandemic

By: History.com Editors

Updated: March 11, 2024 | Original: April 25, 2023

The outbreak of the infectious respiratory disease known as COVID-19 triggered one of the deadliest pandemics in modern history. COVID-19 claimed nearly 7 million lives worldwide. In the United States, deaths from COVID-19 exceeded 1.1 million, nearly twice the American death toll from the 1918 flu pandemic . The COVID-19 pandemic also took a heavy toll economically, politically and psychologically, revealing deep divisions in the way that Americans viewed the role of government in a public health crisis, particularly vaccine mandates. While the United States downgraded its “national emergency” status over the pandemic on May 11, 2023, the full effects of the COVID-19 pandemic will reverberate for decades.

A New Virus Breaks Out in Wuhan, China

In December 2019, the China office of the World Health Organization (WHO) received news of an isolated outbreak of a pneumonia-like virus in the city of Wuhan. The virus caused high fevers and shortness of breath, and the cases seemed connected to the Huanan Seafood Wholesale Market in Wuhan, which was closed by an emergency order on January 1, 2020.

After testing samples of the unknown virus, the WHO identified it as a novel type of coronavirus similar to the deadly SARS virus that swept through Asia from 2002-2004. The WHO named this new strain SARS-CoV-2 (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus 2). The first Chinese victim of SARS-CoV-2 died on January 11, 2020.

Where, exactly, the novel virus originated has been hotly debated. There are two leading theories. One is that the virus jumped from animals to humans, possibly carried by infected animals sold at the Wuhan market in late 2019. A second theory claims the virus escaped from the Wuhan Institute of Virology, a research lab that was studying coronaviruses. U.S. intelligence agencies maintain that both origin stories are “plausible.”

The First COVID-19 Cases in America

The WHO hoped that the virus outbreak would be contained to Wuhan, but by mid-January 2020, infections were reported in Thailand, Japan and Korea, all from people who had traveled to China.

On January 18, 2020, a 35-year-old man checked into an urgent care center near Seattle, Washington. He had just returned from Wuhan and was experiencing a fever, nausea and vomiting. On January 21, he was identified as the first American infected with SARS-CoV-2.

In reality, dozens of Americans had contracted SARS-CoV-2 weeks earlier, but doctors didn’t think to test for a new type of virus. One of those unknowingly infected patients died on February 6, 2020, but her death wasn’t confirmed as the first American casualty until April 21.

On February 11, 2020, the WHO released a new name for the disease causing the deadly outbreak: Coronavirus Disease 2019 or COVID-19. By mid-March 2020, all 50 U.S. states had reported at least one positive case of COVID-19, and nearly all of the new infections were caused by “community spread,” not by people who contracted the disease while traveling abroad. 

At the same time, COVID-19 had spread to 114 countries worldwide, killing more than 4,000 people and infecting hundreds of thousands more. On March 11, the WHO made it official and declared COVID-19 a pandemic.

The World Shuts Down

Pandemics are expected in a globally interconnected world, so emergency plans were in place. In the United States, health officials at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the National Institutes of Health (NIH) set in motion a national response plan developed for flu pandemics.

State by state and city by city, government officials took emergency measures to encourage “ social distancing ,” one of the many new terms that became part of the COVID-19 vocabulary. Travel was restricted. Schools and churches were closed. With the exception of “essential workers,” all offices and businesses were shuttered. By early April 2020, more than 316 million Americans were under a shelter-in-place or stay-at-home order.

With more than 1,000 deaths and nearly 100,000 cases, it was clear by April 2020 that COVID-19 was highly contagious and virulent. What wasn’t clear, even to public health officials, was how individuals could best protect themselves from COVID-19. In the early weeks of the outbreak, the CDC discouraged people from buying face masks, because officials feared a shortage of masks for doctors and hospital workers.

By April 2020, the CDC revised its recommendations, encouraging people to wear masks in public, to socially distance and to wash hands frequently. President Donald Trump undercut the CDC recommendations by emphasizing that masking was voluntary and vowing not to wear a mask himself. This was just the beginning of the political divisions that hobbled the COVID-19 response in America.

Global Financial Markets Collapse

In the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, with billions of people worldwide out of work, stuck at home, and fretting over shortages of essential items like toilet paper , global financial markets went into a tailspin.

In the United States, share prices on the New York Stock Exchange plummeted so quickly that the exchange had to shut down trading three separate times. The Dow Jones Industrial Average eventually lost 37 percent of its value, and the S&P 500 was down 34 percent.

Business closures and stay-at-home orders gutted the U.S. economy. The unemployment rate skyrocketed, particularly in the service sector (restaurant and other retail workers). By May 2020, the U.S. unemployment rate reached 14.7 percent, the highest jobless rate since the Great Depression . 

All across America, households felt the pinch of lost jobs and lower wages. Food insecurity reached a peak by December 2020 with 30 million American adults—a full 14 percent—reporting that their families didn’t get enough to eat in the past week.

The economic effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, like its health effects, weren’t experienced equally. Black, Hispanic and Native Americans suffered from unemployment and food insecurity at significantly higher rates than white Americans. 

Congress tried to avoid a complete economic collapse by authorizing a series of COVID-19 relief packages in 2020 and 2021, which included direct stimulus checks for all American families.

The Race for a Vaccine

A new vaccine typically takes 10 to 15 years to develop and test, but the world couldn’t wait that long for a COVID-19 vaccine. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) under the Trump administration launched “ Operation Warp Speed ,” a public-private partnership which provided billions of dollars in upfront funding to pharmaceutical companies to rapidly develop vaccines and conduct clinical trials.

The first clinical trial for a COVID-19 vaccine was announced on March 16, 2020, only days after the WHO officially classified COVID-19 as a pandemic. The vaccines developed by Moderna and Pfizer were the first ever to employ messenger RNA, a breakthrough technology. After large-scale clinical trials, both vaccines were found to be greater than 95 percent effective against infection with COVID-19.

A nurse from New York officially became the first American to receive a COVID-19 vaccine on December 14, 2020. Ten days later, more than 1 million vaccines had been administered, starting with healthcare workers and elderly residents of nursing homes. As the months rolled on, vaccine availability was expanded to all American adults, and then to teenagers and all school-age children.

By the end of the pandemic in early 2023, more than 670 million doses of COVID-19 vaccines had been administered in the United States at a rate of 203 doses per 100 people. Approximately 80 percent of the U.S. population received at least one COVID-19 shot, but vaccination rates were markedly lower among Black, Hispanic and Native Americans.

COVID-19 Deaths Heaviest Among Elderly and People of Color

In America, the COVID-19 pandemic impacted everyone’s lives, but those who died from the disease were far more likely to be older and people of color.

Of the more than 1.1 million COVID deaths in the United States, 75 percent were individuals who were 65 or older. A full 93 percent of American COVID-19 victims were 50 or older. Throughout the emergence of COVID-19 variants and the vaccine rollouts, older Americans remained the most at-risk for being hospitalized and ultimately dying from the disease.

Black, Hispanic and Native Americans were also at a statistically higher risk of developing life-threatening COVID-19 systems and succumbing to the disease. For example, Black and Hispanic Americans were twice as likely to be hospitalized from COVID-19 than white Americans. The COVID-19 pandemic shined light on the health disparities between racial and ethnic groups driven by systemic racism and lower access to healthcare.

Mental health also worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic. The anxiety of contracting the disease, and the stresses of being unemployed or confined at home, led to unprecedented numbers of Americans reporting feelings of depression and suicidal ideation.

A Time of Social & Political Upheaval

In the United States, the three long years of the COVID-19 pandemic paralleled a time of heightened political contention and social upheaval.

When George Floyd was killed by Minneapolis police on May 25, 2020, it sparked nationwide protests against police brutality and energized the Black Lives Matter movement. Because so many Americans were out of work or home from school due to COVID-19 shutdowns, unprecedented numbers of people from all walks of life took to the streets to demand reforms.

Instead of banding together to slow the spread of the disease, Americans became sharply divided along political lines in their opinions of masking requirements, vaccines and social distancing.

By March 2024, in signs that the pandemic was waning, the CDC issued new guidelines for people who were recovering from COVID-19. The agency said those infected with the virus no longer needed to remain isolated for five days after symptoms. And on March 10, 2024, the Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center stopped collecting data for its highly referenced COVID-19 dashboard.

Still, an estimated 17 percent of U.S. adults reported having experienced symptoms of long COVID, according to the Household Pulse Survey. The medical community is still working to understand the causes behind long COVID, which can afflict a patient for weeks, months or even years.

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“CDC Museum COVID Timeline.” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention . “Coronavirus: Timeline.” U.S. Department of Defense . “COVID-19 and Related Vaccine Development and Research.” Mayo Clinic . “COVID-19 Cases and Deaths by Race/Ethnicity: Current Data and Changes Over Time.” Kaiser Family Foundation . “Number of COVID-19 Deaths in the U.S. by Age.” Statista . “The Pandemic Deepened Fault Lines in American Society.” Scientific American . “Tracking the COVID-19 Economy’s Effects on Food, Housing, and Employment Hardships.” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities . “U.S. Confirmed Country’s First Case of COVID-19 3 Years Ago.” CNN .

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• Volume 76, Issue 2
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• http://orcid.org/0000-0003-1512-4471 Emily Long 1 ,
• Susan Patterson 1 ,
• Karen Maxwell 1 ,
• Carolyn Blake 1 ,
• http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7342-4566 Raquel Bosó Pérez 1 ,
• Ruth Lewis 1 ,
• Mark McCann 1 ,
• Julie Riddell 1 ,
• Kathryn Skivington 1 ,
• Rachel Wilson-Lowe 1 ,
• http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4409-6601 Kirstin R Mitchell 2
• 1 MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit , University of Glasgow , Glasgow , UK
• 2 MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, Institute of Health & Wellbeing , University of Glasgow , Glasgow , UK
• Correspondence to Dr Emily Long, MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow, Glasgow G3 7HR, UK; emily.long{at}glasgow.ac.uk

This essay examines key aspects of social relationships that were disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic. It focuses explicitly on relational mechanisms of health and brings together theory and emerging evidence on the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic to make recommendations for future public health policy and recovery. We first provide an overview of the pandemic in the UK context, outlining the nature of the public health response. We then introduce four distinct domains of social relationships: social networks, social support, social interaction and intimacy, highlighting the mechanisms through which the pandemic and associated public health response drastically altered social interactions in each domain. Throughout the essay, the lens of health inequalities, and perspective of relationships as interconnecting elements in a broader system, is used to explore the varying impact of these disruptions. The essay concludes by providing recommendations for longer term recovery ensuring that the social relational cost of COVID-19 is adequately considered in efforts to rebuild.

• inequalities

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Data sharing not applicable as no data sets generated and/or analysed for this study. Data sharing not applicable as no data sets generated or analysed for this essay.

This is an open access article distributed in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Unported (CC BY 4.0) license, which permits others to copy, redistribute, remix, transform and build upon this work for any purpose, provided the original work is properly cited, a link to the licence is given, and indication of whether changes were made. See: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ .

https://doi.org/10.1136/jech-2021-216690

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Introduction

Infectious disease pandemics, including SARS and COVID-19, demand intrapersonal behaviour change and present highly complex challenges for public health. 1 A pandemic of an airborne infection, spread easily through social contact, assails human relationships by drastically altering the ways through which humans interact. In this essay, we draw on theories of social relationships to examine specific ways in which relational mechanisms key to health and well-being were disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Relational mechanisms refer to the processes between people that lead to change in health outcomes.

At the time of writing, the future surrounding COVID-19 was uncertain. Vaccine programmes were being rolled out in countries that could afford them, but new and more contagious variants of the virus were also being discovered. The recovery journey looked long, with continued disruption to social relationships. The social cost of COVID-19 was only just beginning to emerge, but the mental health impact was already considerable, 2 3 and the inequality of the health burden stark. 4 Knowledge of the epidemiology of COVID-19 accrued rapidly, but evidence of the most effective policy responses remained uncertain.

The initial response to COVID-19 in the UK was reactive and aimed at reducing mortality, with little time to consider the social implications, including for interpersonal and community relationships. The terminology of ‘social distancing’ quickly became entrenched both in public and policy discourse. This equation of physical distance with social distance was regrettable, since only physical proximity causes viral transmission, whereas many forms of social proximity (eg, conversations while walking outdoors) are minimal risk, and are crucial to maintaining relationships supportive of health and well-being.

The aim of this essay is to explore four key relational mechanisms that were impacted by the pandemic and associated restrictions: social networks, social support, social interaction and intimacy. We use relational theories and emerging research on the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic response to make three key recommendations: one regarding public health responses; and two regarding social recovery. Our understanding of these mechanisms stems from a ‘systems’ perspective which casts social relationships as interdependent elements within a connected whole. 5

Social networks

Social networks characterise the individuals and social connections that compose a system (such as a workplace, community or society). Social relationships range from spouses and partners, to coworkers, friends and acquaintances. They vary across many dimensions, including, for example, frequency of contact and emotional closeness. Social networks can be understood both in terms of the individuals and relationships that compose the network, as well as the overall network structure (eg, how many of your friends know each other).

Social networks show a tendency towards homophily, or a phenomenon of associating with individuals who are similar to self. 6 This is particularly true for ‘core’ network ties (eg, close friends), while more distant, sometimes called ‘weak’ ties tend to show more diversity. During the height of COVID-19 restrictions, face-to-face interactions were often reduced to core network members, such as partners, family members or, potentially, live-in roommates; some ‘weak’ ties were lost, and interactions became more limited to those closest. Given that peripheral, weaker social ties provide a diversity of resources, opinions and support, 7 COVID-19 likely resulted in networks that were smaller and more homogenous.

Such changes were not inevitable nor necessarily enduring, since social networks are also adaptive and responsive to change, in that a disruption to usual ways of interacting can be replaced by new ways of engaging (eg, Zoom). Yet, important inequalities exist, wherein networks and individual relationships within networks are not equally able to adapt to such changes. For example, individuals with a large number of newly established relationships (eg, university students) may have struggled to transfer these relationships online, resulting in lost contacts and a heightened risk of social isolation. This is consistent with research suggesting that young adults were the most likely to report a worsening of relationships during COVID-19, whereas older adults were the least likely to report a change. 8

Lastly, social connections give rise to emergent properties of social systems, 9 where a community-level phenomenon develops that cannot be attributed to any one member or portion of the network. For example, local area-based networks emerged due to geographic restrictions (eg, stay-at-home orders), resulting in increases in neighbourly support and local volunteering. 10 In fact, research suggests that relationships with neighbours displayed the largest net gain in ratings of relationship quality compared with a range of relationship types (eg, partner, colleague, friend). 8 Much of this was built from spontaneous individual interactions within local communities, which together contributed to the ‘community spirit’ that many experienced. 11 COVID-19 restrictions thus impacted the personal social networks and the structure of the larger networks within the society.

Social support

Social support, referring to the psychological and material resources provided through social interaction, is a critical mechanism through which social relationships benefit health. In fact, social support has been shown to be one of the most important resilience factors in the aftermath of stressful events. 12 In the context of COVID-19, the usual ways in which individuals interact and obtain social support have been severely disrupted.

One such disruption has been to opportunities for spontaneous social interactions. For example, conversations with colleagues in a break room offer an opportunity for socialising beyond one’s core social network, and these peripheral conversations can provide a form of social support. 13 14 A chance conversation may lead to advice helpful to coping with situations or seeking formal help. Thus, the absence of these spontaneous interactions may mean the reduction of indirect support-seeking opportunities. While direct support-seeking behaviour is more effective at eliciting support, it also requires significantly more effort and may be perceived as forceful and burdensome. 15 The shift to homeworking and closure of community venues reduced the number of opportunities for these spontaneous interactions to occur, and has, second, focused them locally. Consequently, individuals whose core networks are located elsewhere, or who live in communities where spontaneous interaction is less likely, have less opportunity to benefit from spontaneous in-person supportive interactions.

However, alongside this disruption, new opportunities to interact and obtain social support have arisen. The surge in community social support during the initial lockdown mirrored that often seen in response to adverse events (eg, natural disasters 16 ). COVID-19 restrictions that confined individuals to their local area also compelled them to focus their in-person efforts locally. Commentators on the initial lockdown in the UK remarked on extraordinary acts of generosity between individuals who belonged to the same community but were unknown to each other. However, research on adverse events also tells us that such community support is not necessarily maintained in the longer term. 16

Meanwhile, online forms of social support are not bound by geography, thus enabling interactions and social support to be received from a wider network of people. Formal online social support spaces (eg, support groups) existed well before COVID-19, but have vastly increased since. While online interactions can increase perceived social support, it is unclear whether remote communication technologies provide an effective substitute from in-person interaction during periods of social distancing. 17 18 It makes intuitive sense that the usefulness of online social support will vary by the type of support offered, degree of social interaction and ‘online communication skills’ of those taking part. Youth workers, for instance, have struggled to keep vulnerable youth engaged in online youth clubs, 19 despite others finding a positive association between amount of digital technology used by individuals during lockdown and perceived social support. 20 Other research has found that more frequent face-to-face contact and phone/video contact both related to lower levels of depression during the time period of March to August 2020, but the negative effect of a lack of contact was greater for those with higher levels of usual sociability. 21 Relatedly, important inequalities in social support exist, such that individuals who occupy more socially disadvantaged positions in society (eg, low socioeconomic status, older people) tend to have less access to social support, 22 potentially exacerbated by COVID-19.

Social and interactional norms

Interactional norms are key relational mechanisms which build trust, belonging and identity within and across groups in a system. Individuals in groups and societies apply meaning by ‘approving, arranging and redefining’ symbols of interaction. 23 A handshake, for instance, is a powerful symbol of trust and equality. Depending on context, not shaking hands may symbolise a failure to extend friendship, or a failure to reach agreement. The norms governing these symbols represent shared values and identity; and mutual understanding of these symbols enables individuals to achieve orderly interactions, establish supportive relationship accountability and connect socially. 24 25

Physical distancing measures to contain the spread of COVID-19 radically altered these norms of interaction, particularly those used to convey trust, affinity, empathy and respect (eg, hugging, physical comforting). 26 As epidemic waves rose and fell, the work to negotiate these norms required intense cognitive effort; previously taken-for-granted interactions were re-examined, factoring in current restriction levels, own and (assumed) others’ vulnerability and tolerance of risk. This created awkwardness, and uncertainty, for example, around how to bring closure to an in-person interaction or convey warmth. The instability in scripted ways of interacting created particular strain for individuals who already struggled to encode and decode interactions with others (eg, those who are deaf or have autism spectrum disorder); difficulties often intensified by mask wearing. 27

Large social gatherings—for example, weddings, school assemblies, sporting events—also present key opportunities for affirming and assimilating interactional norms, building cohesion and shared identity and facilitating cooperation across social groups. 28 Online ‘equivalents’ do not easily support ‘social-bonding’ activities such as singing and dancing, and rarely enable chance/spontaneous one-on-one conversations with peripheral/weaker network ties (see the Social networks section) which can help strengthen bonds across a larger network. The loss of large gatherings to celebrate rites of passage (eg, bar mitzvah, weddings) has additional relational costs since these events are performed by and for communities to reinforce belonging, and to assist in transitioning to new phases of life. 29 The loss of interaction with diverse others via community and large group gatherings also reduces intergroup contact, which may then tend towards more prejudiced outgroup attitudes. While online interaction can go some way to mimicking these interaction norms, there are key differences. A sense of anonymity, and lack of in-person emotional cues, tends to support norms of polarisation and aggression in expressing differences of opinion online. And while online platforms have potential to provide intergroup contact, the tendency of much social media to form homogeneous ‘echo chambers’ can serve to further reduce intergroup contact. 30 31

Intimacy relates to the feeling of emotional connection and closeness with other human beings. Emotional connection, through romantic, friendship or familial relationships, fulfils a basic human need 32 and strongly benefits health, including reduced stress levels, improved mental health, lowered blood pressure and reduced risk of heart disease. 32 33 Intimacy can be fostered through familiarity, feeling understood and feeling accepted by close others. 34

Intimacy via companionship and closeness is fundamental to mental well-being. Positively, the COVID-19 pandemic has offered opportunities for individuals to (re)connect and (re)strengthen close relationships within their household via quality time together, following closure of many usual external social activities. Research suggests that the first full UK lockdown period led to a net gain in the quality of steady relationships at a population level, 35 but amplified existing inequalities in relationship quality. 35 36 For some in single-person households, the absence of a companion became more conspicuous, leading to feelings of loneliness and lower mental well-being. 37 38 Additional pandemic-related relational strain 39 40 resulted, for some, in the initiation or intensification of domestic abuse. 41 42

Physical touch is another key aspect of intimacy, a fundamental human need crucial in maintaining and developing intimacy within close relationships. 34 Restrictions on social interactions severely restricted the number and range of people with whom physical affection was possible. The reduction in opportunity to give and receive affectionate physical touch was not experienced equally. Many of those living alone found themselves completely without physical contact for extended periods. The deprivation of physical touch is evidenced to take a heavy emotional toll. 43 Even in future, once physical expressions of affection can resume, new levels of anxiety over germs may introduce hesitancy into previously fluent blending of physical and verbal intimate social connections. 44

The pandemic also led to shifts in practices and norms around sexual relationship building and maintenance, as individuals adapted and sought alternative ways of enacting sexual intimacy. This too is important, given that intimate sexual activity has known benefits for health. 45 46 Given that social restrictions hinged on reducing household mixing, possibilities for partnered sexual activity were primarily guided by living arrangements. While those in cohabiting relationships could potentially continue as before, those who were single or in non-cohabiting relationships generally had restricted opportunities to maintain their sexual relationships. Pornography consumption and digital partners were reported to increase since lockdown. 47 However, online interactions are qualitatively different from in-person interactions and do not provide the same opportunities for physical intimacy.

Recommendations and conclusions

In the sections above we have outlined the ways in which COVID-19 has impacted social relationships, showing how relational mechanisms key to health have been undermined. While some of the damage might well self-repair after the pandemic, there are opportunities inherent in deliberative efforts to build back in ways that facilitate greater resilience in social and community relationships. We conclude by making three recommendations: one regarding public health responses to the pandemic; and two regarding social recovery.

Recommendation 1: explicitly count the relational cost of public health policies to control the pandemic

Effective handling of a pandemic recognises that social, economic and health concerns are intricately interwoven. It is clear that future research and policy attention must focus on the social consequences. As described above, policies which restrict physical mixing across households carry heavy and unequal relational costs. These include for individuals (eg, loss of intimate touch), dyads (eg, loss of warmth, comfort), networks (eg, restricted access to support) and communities (eg, loss of cohesion and identity). Such costs—and their unequal impact—should not be ignored in short-term efforts to control an epidemic. Some public health responses—restrictions on international holiday travel and highly efficient test and trace systems—have relatively small relational costs and should be prioritised. At a national level, an earlier move to proportionate restrictions, and investment in effective test and trace systems, may help prevent escalation of spread to the point where a national lockdown or tight restrictions became an inevitability. Where policies with relational costs are unavoidable, close attention should be paid to the unequal relational impact for those whose personal circumstances differ from normative assumptions of two adult families. This includes consideration of whether expectations are fair (eg, for those who live alone), whether restrictions on social events are equitable across age group, religious/ethnic groupings and social class, and also to ensure that the language promoted by such policies (eg, households; families) is not exclusionary. 48 49 Forethought to unequal impacts on social relationships should thus be integral to the work of epidemic preparedness teams.

Recommendation 2: intelligently balance online and offline ways of relating

A key ingredient for well-being is ‘getting together’ in a physical sense. This is fundamental to a human need for intimate touch, physical comfort, reinforcing interactional norms and providing practical support. Emerging evidence suggests that online ways of relating cannot simply replace physical interactions. But online interaction has many benefits and for some it offers connections that did not exist previously. In particular, online platforms provide new forms of support for those unable to access offline services because of mobility issues (eg, older people) or because they are geographically isolated from their support community (eg, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) youth). Ultimately, multiple forms of online and offline social interactions are required to meet the needs of varying groups of people (eg, LGBTQ, older people). Future research and practice should aim to establish ways of using offline and online support in complementary and even synergistic ways, rather than veering between them as social restrictions expand and contract. Intelligent balancing of online and offline ways of relating also pertains to future policies on home and flexible working. A decision to switch to wholesale or obligatory homeworking should consider the risk to relational ‘group properties’ of the workplace community and their impact on employees’ well-being, focusing in particular on unequal impacts (eg, new vs established employees). Intelligent blending of online and in-person working is required to achieve flexibility while also nurturing supportive networks at work. Intelligent balance also implies strategies to build digital literacy and minimise digital exclusion, as well as coproducing solutions with intended beneficiaries.

Recommendation 3: build stronger and sustainable localised communities

In balancing offline and online ways of interacting, there is opportunity to capitalise on the potential for more localised, coherent communities due to scaled-down travel, homeworking and local focus that will ideally continue after restrictions end. There are potential economic benefits after the pandemic, such as increased trade as home workers use local resources (eg, coffee shops), but also relational benefits from stronger relationships around the orbit of the home and neighbourhood. Experience from previous crises shows that community volunteer efforts generated early on will wane over time in the absence of deliberate work to maintain them. Adequately funded partnerships between local government, third sector and community groups are required to sustain community assets that began as a direct response to the pandemic. Such partnerships could work to secure green spaces and indoor (non-commercial) meeting spaces that promote community interaction. Green spaces in particular provide a triple benefit in encouraging physical activity and mental health, as well as facilitating social bonding. 50 In building local communities, small community networks—that allow for diversity and break down ingroup/outgroup views—may be more helpful than the concept of ‘support bubbles’, which are exclusionary and less sustainable in the longer term. Rigorously designed intervention and evaluation—taking a systems approach—will be crucial in ensuring scale-up and sustainability.

The dramatic change to social interaction necessitated by efforts to control the spread of COVID-19 created stark challenges but also opportunities. Our essay highlights opportunities for learning, both to ensure the equity and humanity of physical restrictions, and to sustain the salutogenic effects of social relationships going forward. The starting point for capitalising on this learning is recognition of the disruption to relational mechanisms as a key part of the socioeconomic and health impact of the pandemic. In recovery planning, a general rule is that what is good for decreasing health inequalities (such as expanding social protection and public services and pursuing green inclusive growth strategies) 4 will also benefit relationships and safeguard relational mechanisms for future generations. Putting this into action will require political will.

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Twitter @karenmaxSPHSU, @Mark_McCann, @Rwilsonlowe, @KMitchinGlasgow

Contributors EL and KM led on the manuscript conceptualisation, review and editing. SP, KM, CB, RBP, RL, MM, JR, KS and RW-L contributed to drafting and revising the article. All authors assisted in revising the final draft.

Funding The research reported in this publication was supported by the Medical Research Council (MC_UU_00022/1, MC_UU_00022/3) and the Chief Scientist Office (SPHSU11, SPHSU14). EL is also supported by MRC Skills Development Fellowship Award (MR/S015078/1). KS and MM are also supported by a Medical Research Council Strategic Award (MC_PC_13027).

Competing interests None declared.

Provenance and peer review Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.

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I Thought We’d Learned Nothing From the Pandemic. I Wasn’t Seeing the Full Picture

M y first home had a back door that opened to a concrete patio with a giant crack down the middle. When my sister and I played, I made sure to stay on the same side of the divide as her, just in case. The 1988 film The Land Before Time was one of the first movies I ever saw, and the image of the earth splintering into pieces planted its roots in my brain. I believed that, even in my own backyard, I could easily become the tiny Triceratops separated from her family, on the other side of the chasm, as everything crumbled into chaos.

Some 30 years later, I marvel at the eerie, unexpected ways that cartoonish nightmare came to life – not just for me and my family, but for all of us. The landscape was already covered in fissures well before COVID-19 made its way across the planet, but the pandemic applied pressure, and the cracks broke wide open, separating us from each other physically and ideologically. Under the weight of the crisis, we scattered and landed on such different patches of earth we could barely see each other’s faces, even when we squinted. We disagreed viciously with each other, about how to respond, but also about what was true.

Recently, someone asked me if we’ve learned anything from the pandemic, and my first thought was a flat no. Nothing. There was a time when I thought it would be the very thing to draw us together and catapult us – as a capital “S” Society – into a kinder future. It’s surreal to remember those early days when people rallied together, sewing masks for health care workers during critical shortages and gathering on balconies in cities from Dallas to New York City to clap and sing songs like “Yellow Submarine.” It felt like a giant lightning bolt shot across the sky, and for one breath, we all saw something that had been hidden in the dark – the inherent vulnerability in being human or maybe our inescapable connectedness .

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But it turns out, it was just a flash. The goodwill vanished as quickly as it appeared. A couple of years later, people feel lied to, abandoned, and all on their own. I’ve felt my own curiosity shrinking, my willingness to reach out waning , my ability to keep my hands open dwindling. I look out across the landscape and see selfishness and rage, burnt earth and so many dead bodies. Game over. We lost. And if we’ve already lost, why try?

Still, the question kept nagging me. I wondered, am I seeing the full picture? What happens when we focus not on the collective society but at one face, one story at a time? I’m not asking for a bow to minimize the suffering – a pretty flourish to put on top and make the whole thing “worth it.” Yuck. That’s not what we need. But I wondered about deep, quiet growth. The kind we feel in our bodies, relationships, homes, places of work, neighborhoods.

Like a walkie-talkie message sent to my allies on the ground, I posted a call on my Instagram. What do you see? What do you hear? What feels possible? Is there life out here? Sprouting up among the rubble? I heard human voices calling back – reports of life, personal and specific. I heard one story at a time – stories of grief and distrust, fury and disappointment. Also gratitude. Discovery. Determination.

Among the most prevalent were the stories of self-revelation. Almost as if machines were given the chance to live as humans, people described blossoming into fuller selves. They listened to their bodies’ cues, recognized their desires and comforts, tuned into their gut instincts, and honored the intuition they hadn’t realized belonged to them. Alex, a writer and fellow disabled parent, found the freedom to explore a fuller version of herself in the privacy the pandemic provided. “The way I dress, the way I love, and the way I carry myself have both shrunk and expanded,” she shared. “I don’t love myself very well with an audience.” Without the daily ritual of trying to pass as “normal” in public, Tamar, a queer mom in the Netherlands, realized she’s autistic. “I think the pandemic helped me to recognize the mask,” she wrote. “Not that unmasking is easy now. But at least I know it’s there.” In a time of widespread suffering that none of us could solve on our own, many tended to our internal wounds and misalignments, large and small, and found clarity.

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I wonder if this flourishing of self-awareness is at least partially responsible for the life alterations people pursued. The pandemic broke open our personal notions of work and pushed us to reevaluate things like time and money. Lucy, a disabled writer in the U.K., made the hard decision to leave her job as a journalist covering Westminster to write freelance about her beloved disability community. “This work feels important in a way nothing else has ever felt,” she wrote. “I don’t think I’d have realized this was what I should be doing without the pandemic.” And she wasn’t alone – many people changed jobs , moved, learned new skills and hobbies, became politically engaged.

Perhaps more than any other shifts, people described a significant reassessment of their relationships. They set boundaries, said no, had challenging conversations. They also reconnected, fell in love, and learned to trust. Jeanne, a quilter in Indiana, got to know relatives she wouldn’t have connected with if lockdowns hadn’t prompted weekly family Zooms. “We are all over the map as regards to our belief systems,” she emphasized, “but it is possible to love people you don’t see eye to eye with on every issue.” Anna, an anti-violence advocate in Maine, learned she could trust her new marriage: “Life was not a honeymoon. But we still chose to turn to each other with kindness and curiosity.” So many bonds forged and broken, strengthened and strained.

Instead of relying on default relationships or institutional structures, widespread recalibrations allowed for going off script and fortifying smaller communities. Mara from Idyllwild, Calif., described the tangible plan for care enacted in her town. “We started a mutual-aid group at the beginning of the pandemic,” she wrote, “and it grew so quickly before we knew it we were feeding 400 of the 4000 residents.” She didn’t pretend the conditions were ideal. In fact, she expressed immense frustration with our collective response to the pandemic. Even so, the local group rallied and continues to offer assistance to their community with help from donations and volunteers (many of whom were originally on the receiving end of support). “I’ve learned that people thrive when they feel their connection to others,” she wrote. Clare, a teacher from the U.K., voiced similar conviction as she described a giant scarf she’s woven out of ribbons, each representing a single person. The scarf is “a collection of stories, moments and wisdom we are sharing with each other,” she wrote. It now stretches well over 1,000 feet.

A few hours into reading the comments, I lay back on my bed, phone held against my chest. The room was quiet, but my internal world was lighting up with firefly flickers. What felt different? Surely part of it was receiving personal accounts of deep-rooted growth. And also, there was something to the mere act of asking and listening. Maybe it connected me to humans before battle cries. Maybe it was the chance to be in conversation with others who were also trying to understand – what is happening to us? Underneath it all, an undeniable thread remained; I saw people peering into the mess and narrating their findings onto the shared frequency. Every comment was like a flare into the sky. I’m here! And if the sky is full of flares, we aren’t alone.

I recognized my own pandemic discoveries – some minor, others massive. Like washing off thick eyeliner and mascara every night is more effort than it’s worth; I can transform the mundane into the magical with a bedsheet, a movie projector, and twinkle lights; my paralyzed body can mother an infant in ways I’d never seen modeled for me. I remembered disappointing, bewildering conversations within my own family of origin and our imperfect attempts to remain close while also seeing things so differently. I realized that every time I get the weekly invite to my virtual “Find the Mumsies” call, with a tiny group of moms living hundreds of miles apart, I’m being welcomed into a pocket of unexpected community. Even though we’ve never been in one room all together, I’ve felt an uncommon kind of solace in their now-familiar faces.

Hope is a slippery thing. I desperately want to hold onto it, but everywhere I look there are real, weighty reasons to despair. The pandemic marks a stretch on the timeline that tangles with a teetering democracy, a deteriorating planet , the loss of human rights that once felt unshakable . When the world is falling apart Land Before Time style, it can feel trite, sniffing out the beauty – useless, firing off flares to anyone looking for signs of life. But, while I’m under no delusions that if we just keep trudging forward we’ll find our own oasis of waterfalls and grassy meadows glistening in the sunshine beneath a heavenly chorus, I wonder if trivializing small acts of beauty, connection, and hope actually cuts us off from resources essential to our survival. The group of abandoned dinosaurs were keeping each other alive and making each other laugh well before they made it to their fantasy ending.

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After the monarch butterfly went on the endangered-species list, my friend and fellow writer Hannah Soyer sent me wildflower seeds to plant in my yard. A simple act of big hope – that I will actually plant them, that they will grow, that a monarch butterfly will receive nourishment from whatever blossoms are able to push their way through the dirt. There are so many ways that could fail. But maybe the outcome wasn’t exactly the point. Maybe hope is the dogged insistence – the stubborn defiance – to continue cultivating moments of beauty regardless. There is value in the planting apart from the harvest.

I can’t point out a single collective lesson from the pandemic. It’s hard to see any great “we.” Still, I see the faces in my moms’ group, making pancakes for their kids and popping on between strings of meetings while we try to figure out how to raise these small people in this chaotic world. I think of my friends on Instagram tending to the selves they discovered when no one was watching and the scarf of ribbons stretching the length of more than three football fields. I remember my family of three, holding hands on the way up the ramp to the library. These bits of growth and rings of support might not be loud or right on the surface, but that’s not the same thing as nothing. If we only cared about the bottom-line defeats or sweeping successes of the big picture, we’d never plant flowers at all.

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Introduction to “COVID-19: Politics, Inequalities, and Pandemic”

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Jonathan Oberlander; Introduction to “COVID-19: Politics, Inequalities, and Pandemic”. J Health Polit Policy Law 1 December 2020; 45 (6): 905–906. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-8641445

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The COVID-19 pandemic poses an extraordinary challenge to public health and medical care systems around the world. As the virus has spread, threatening population health, straining medical facilities and providers, disrupting economies, and reordering social relations, COVID-19 has quickly become the dominant issue not only in health policy but also in contemporary public policy and politics.

While this strain of coronavirus is novel, its impact both within and across countries is shaped by familiar social and political institutions, public policies, inequalities, and government actions (and inaction). The path of COVID-19 is varied, its burdens fall unequally on different populations, and governments' responses have diverged. COVID-19 is a medical disease whose containment hinges on rapid advances in biomedical research, the emergence of efficacious clinical treatments, the development and distribution of a vaccine, and the application of public health measures. Yet, as with prior infectious diseases such as AIDS, TB, and Ebola—“modern plagues” in the words of Paul Farmer ( 2001 )—its course will be determined largely by political and social structures.

Why have some countries' responses to COVID-19 been, at least initially, more effective than others? How are structural racism, socioeconomic inequities, federalism, a limited safety net, and unequal access to health insurance impacting the pandemic's path in the United States? In what ways does COVID-19 challenge conventional assumptions about comparative public health and international relations? How has partisanship mediated Americans' divided reactions to public health messaging around COVID-19? And what policies could we adopt to promote a more effective, just, and equitable response to this public health emergency?

These are the questions explored by authors contributing to “COVID 19: Politics, Inequalities, and Pandemic.” These essays mark JHPPL 's first effort to make sense of the pandemic as a political, social, and comparative phenomenon that is likely to redefine public health, health policy, and health care politics for years to come.

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The Impact of COVID-19 Pandemic

The year 2019 will forever be engraved in many people’s hearts and minds as the time when a deadly virus known as the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) invaded almost all the sectors, thereby disrupting daily activities. It is described as a communicable respiratory illness which is triggered by a new strain of coronavirus which leads to various ailments in human beings. There is currently no known cure or vaccine for the virus as scientists worldwide are still trying to learn about the illness to respond appropriately through research (Goodell, 2020). This paper aims at exploring the effects that the pandemic has had on society regarding the economy, social life, education, religion, and family.

The emergence of the pandemic, which began in China-2019, quickly spread to other nations across the world with devastating effects on their economies As a way of containing the disease, many countries instituted strict measures, such as curfews, the mandatory wearing of masks, and social distancing of 1 meter apart (Goodell, 2020). Covid-19 has significantly changed the way these preventive methods relate with each concerning trade matters. The majority of the states affected opted to close their borders as fear among the citizens increased. The implementation of the strict rules interfered with the business operations of many nations. It became difficult for international trade to continue as a result of the closed borders. Most businesses have also had to close due to financial constraints.

When it comes to socialization, people have been forced to use other means to meet their friends and families across the world. Social media platforms have seen an increased usage during this difficult time as people try to find new ways of socializing. It has happened especially in such countries as Australia, where the restrictions were extreme as it enforced a lockdown for close to a hundred days (Goodell, 2020). The use of masks is also quickly becoming the new norm across numerous states. Unlike in developed countries where the governments have offered their citizens some aid mostly in terms of cash transfers, developing countries have struggled to balance between the people’s livelihood and the containment of the Covid-19. As such, most people have turned to social media platforms as a medium of communication and socialization due to lockdowns.

Learning institutions have also not been spared by the Covid-19 pandemic. Most countries affected by the spread of the virus were forced to suspend their educational curriculum calendar to allow children and university students to stay home until the time when the disease is finally neutralized (Goodell, 2020). However, students and parents have been pushing the governments to resume schools with clear protocols which ensure that both the students and the teachers follow the rules, including the mandatory wearing of masks. Religion has also been significantly affected as it has become difficult for people to seek for spiritual nourishment (Goodell, 2020). Many religious leaders have had to devise other ways of reaching out to the congregates. For example, many churches now have to move their services online by using such platforms as YouTube, Facebook, Zoom, among others to convey essential teachings.

Covid-19 has also directly affected many families across the world, as the majority have succumbed to the disease. The United States of America and Italy are some of the pandemic’s worst casualties, where many people were killed by the lethal virus (Goodell, 2020). Some people have in the end lost more than one member of the family because of the disease, and in some worse case scenarios, the illness has claimed a whole family.

In conclusion, this paper has highlighted the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic on the economy, social life, education, religion, and family units. Many countries and businesses had underestimated the disease’s impact before they later suffered from the consequences. Therefore, international bodies, such as the World Health Organization, need to help developing countries establish critical management healthcare systems, which can help to deal with the future pandemics.

Goodell, J. W. (2020). COVID-19 and finance: Agendas for future research. Finance Research Letters , 35 , 101512. Web.

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Writing about COVID-19 in a college admission essay

by: Venkates Swaminathan | Updated: September 14, 2020

Print article

For students applying to college using the CommonApp, there are several different places where students and counselors can address the pandemic’s impact. The different sections have differing goals. You must understand how to use each section for its appropriate use.

The CommonApp COVID-19 question

First, the CommonApp this year has an additional question specifically about COVID-19 :

Community disruptions such as COVID-19 and natural disasters can have deep and long-lasting impacts. If you need it, this space is yours to describe those impacts. Colleges care about the effects on your health and well-being, safety, family circumstances, future plans, and education, including access to reliable technology and quiet study spaces. Please use this space to describe how these events have impacted you.

This question seeks to understand the adversity that students may have had to face due to the pandemic, the move to online education, or the shelter-in-place rules. You don’t have to answer this question if the impact on you wasn’t particularly severe. Some examples of things students should discuss include:

• The student or a family member had COVID-19 or suffered other illnesses due to confinement during the pandemic.
• The candidate had to deal with personal or family issues, such as abusive living situations or other safety concerns
• The student suffered from a lack of internet access and other online learning challenges.
• Students who dealt with problems registering for or taking standardized tests and AP exams.

Jeff Schiffman of the Tulane University admissions office has a blog about this section. He recommends students ask themselves several questions as they go about answering this section:

• Are my experiences different from others’?
• Are there noticeable changes on my transcript?
• Am I aware of my privilege?
• Am I specific? Am I explaining rather than complaining?
• Is this information being included elsewhere on my application?

If you do answer this section, be brief and to-the-point.

Counselor recommendations and school profiles

Second, counselors will, in their counselor forms and school profiles on the CommonApp, address how the school handled the pandemic and how it might have affected students, specifically as it relates to:

• Grading scales and policies
• Graduation requirements
• Instructional methods
• Schedules and course offerings
• Testing requirements
• Your academic calendar
• Other extenuating circumstances

Students don’t have to mention these matters in their application unless something unusual happened.

Writing about COVID-19 in your main essay

Write about your experiences during the pandemic in your main college essay if your experience is personal, relevant, and the most important thing to discuss in your college admission essay. That you had to stay home and study online isn’t sufficient, as millions of other students faced the same situation. But sometimes, it can be appropriate and helpful to write about something related to the pandemic in your essay. For example:

• One student developed a website for a local comic book store. The store might not have survived without the ability for people to order comic books online. The student had a long-standing relationship with the store, and it was an institution that created a community for students who otherwise felt left out.
• One student started a YouTube channel to help other students with academic subjects he was very familiar with and began tutoring others.
• Some students used their extra time that was the result of the stay-at-home orders to take online courses pursuing topics they are genuinely interested in or developing new interests, like a foreign language or music.

Experiences like this can be good topics for the CommonApp essay as long as they reflect something genuinely important about the student. For many students whose lives have been shaped by this pandemic, it can be a critical part of their college application.

Want more? Read 6 ways to improve a college essay , What the &%$! should I write about in my college essay , and Just how important is a college admissions essay? .

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Persuasive Essay Guide

Persuasive Essay About Covid19

How to Write a Persuasive Essay About Covid19 | Examples & Tips

11 min read

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Are you looking to write a persuasive essay about the Covid-19 pandemic?

Writing a compelling and informative essay about this global crisis can be challenging. It requires researching the latest information, understanding the facts, and presenting your argument persuasively.

But don’t worry! with some guidance from experts, you’ll be able to write an effective and persuasive essay about Covid-19.

In this blog post, we’ll outline the basics of writing a persuasive essay . We’ll provide clear examples, helpful tips, and essential information for crafting your own persuasive piece on Covid-19.

Read on to get started on your essay.

• 1. Steps to Write a Persuasive Essay About Covid-19
• 2. Examples of Persuasive Essay About Covid19
• 3. Examples of Persuasive Essay About Covid-19 Vaccine
• 4. Examples of Persuasive Essay About Covid-19 Integration
• 5. Examples of Argumentative Essay About Covid 19
• 6. Examples of Persuasive Speeches About Covid-19
• 7. Tips to Write a Persuasive Essay About Covid-19
• 8. Common Topics for a Persuasive Essay on COVID-19 

Steps to Write a Persuasive Essay About Covid-19

Here are the steps to help you write a persuasive essay on this topic, along with an example essay:

Step 1: Choose a Specific Thesis Statement

Your thesis statement should clearly state your position on a specific aspect of COVID-19. It should be debatable and clear. For example:

Step 2: Research and Gather Information

Collect reliable and up-to-date information from reputable sources to support your thesis statement. This may include statistics, expert opinions, and scientific studies. For instance:

• COVID-19 vaccination effectiveness data
• Information on vaccine mandates in different countries
• Expert statements from health organizations like the WHO or CDC

Step 3: Outline Your Essay

Create a clear and organized outline to structure your essay. A persuasive essay typically follows this structure:

• Introduction
• Background Information
• Body Paragraphs (with supporting evidence)
• Counterarguments (addressing opposing views)

Step 4: Write the Introduction

In the introduction, grab your reader's attention and present your thesis statement. For example:

Step 5: Provide Background Information

Offer context and background information to help your readers understand the issue better. For instance:

Step 6: Develop Body Paragraphs

Each body paragraph should present a single point or piece of evidence that supports your thesis statement. Use clear topic sentences, evidence, and analysis. Here's an example:

Step 7: Address Counterarguments

Acknowledge opposing viewpoints and refute them with strong counterarguments. This demonstrates that you've considered different perspectives. For example:

Step 8: Write the Conclusion

Summarize your main points and restate your thesis statement in the conclusion. End with a strong call to action or thought-provoking statement. For instance:

Step 9: Revise and Proofread

Edit your essay for clarity, coherence, grammar, and spelling errors. Ensure that your argument flows logically.

Step 10: Cite Your Sources

Include proper citations and a bibliography page to give credit to your sources.

Remember to adjust your approach and arguments based on your target audience and the specific angle you want to take in your persuasive essay about COVID-19.

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Examples of Persuasive Essay About Covid19

When writing a persuasive essay about the Covid-19 pandemic, it’s important to consider how you want to present your argument. To help you get started, here are some example essays for you to read:

Check out some more PDF examples below:

Persuasive Essay About Covid-19 Pandemic

Sample Of Persuasive Essay About Covid-19

Persuasive Essay About Covid-19 In The Philippines - Example

If you're in search of a compelling persuasive essay on business, don't miss out on our “ persuasive essay about business ” blog!

Examples of Persuasive Essay About Covid-19 Vaccine

Covid19 vaccines are one of the ways to prevent the spread of Covid-19, but they have been a source of controversy. Different sides argue about the benefits or dangers of the new vaccines. Whatever your point of view is, writing a persuasive essay about it is a good way of organizing your thoughts and persuading others.

A persuasive essay about the Covid-19 vaccine could consider the benefits of getting vaccinated as well as the potential side effects.

Below are some examples of persuasive essays on getting vaccinated for Covid-19.

Covid19 Vaccine Persuasive Essay

Persuasive Essay on Covid Vaccines

Interested in thought-provoking discussions on abortion? Read our persuasive essay about abortion blog to eplore arguments!

Examples of Persuasive Essay About Covid-19 Integration

Covid19 has drastically changed the way people interact in schools, markets, and workplaces. In short, it has affected all aspects of life. However, people have started to learn to live with Covid19.

Writing a persuasive essay about it shouldn't be stressful. Read the sample essay below to get idea for your own essay about Covid19 integration.

Persuasive Essay About Working From Home During Covid19

Searching for the topic of Online Education? Our persuasive essay about online education is a must-read.

Examples of Argumentative Essay About Covid 19

Covid-19 has been an ever-evolving issue, with new developments and discoveries being made on a daily basis.

Writing an argumentative essay about such an issue is both interesting and challenging. It allows you to evaluate different aspects of the pandemic, as well as consider potential solutions.

Here are some examples of argumentative essays on Covid19.

Argumentative Essay About Covid19 Sample

Argumentative Essay About Covid19 With Introduction Body and Conclusion

Looking for a persuasive take on the topic of smoking? You'll find it all related arguments in out Persuasive Essay About Smoking blog!

Examples of Persuasive Speeches About Covid-19

Do you need to prepare a speech about Covid19 and need examples? We have them for you!

Persuasive speeches about Covid-19 can provide the audience with valuable insights on how to best handle the pandemic. They can be used to advocate for specific changes in policies or simply raise awareness about the virus.

Check out some examples of persuasive speeches on Covid-19:

Persuasive Speech About Covid-19 Example

Persuasive Speech About Vaccine For Covid-19

You can also read persuasive essay examples on other topics to master your persuasive techniques!

Tips to Write a Persuasive Essay About Covid-19

Writing a persuasive essay about COVID-19 requires a thoughtful approach to present your arguments effectively. 

Here are some tips to help you craft a compelling persuasive essay on this topic:

Choose a Specific Angle

Start by narrowing down your focus. COVID-19 is a broad topic, so selecting a specific aspect or issue related to it will make your essay more persuasive and manageable. For example, you could focus on vaccination, public health measures, the economic impact, or misinformation.

Provide Credible Sources 

Support your arguments with credible sources such as scientific studies, government reports, and reputable news outlets. Reliable sources enhance the credibility of your essay.

Use Persuasive Language

Employ persuasive techniques, such as ethos (establishing credibility), pathos (appealing to emotions), and logos (using logic and evidence). Use vivid examples and anecdotes to make your points relatable.

Organize Your Essay

Structure your essay involves creating a persuasive essay outline and establishing a logical flow from one point to the next. Each paragraph should focus on a single point, and transitions between paragraphs should be smooth and logical.

Emphasize Benefits

Highlight the benefits of your proposed actions or viewpoints. Explain how your suggestions can improve public health, safety, or well-being. Make it clear why your audience should support your position.

Use Visuals -H3

Incorporate graphs, charts, and statistics when applicable. Visual aids can reinforce your arguments and make complex data more accessible to your readers.

Call to Action

End your essay with a strong call to action. Encourage your readers to take a specific step or consider your viewpoint. Make it clear what you want them to do or think after reading your essay.

Revise and Edit

Proofread your essay for grammar, spelling, and clarity. Make sure your arguments are well-structured and that your writing flows smoothly.

Seek Feedback 

Have someone else read your essay to get feedback. They may offer valuable insights and help you identify areas where your persuasive techniques can be improved.

Tough Essay Due? Hire Tough Writers!

Common Topics for a Persuasive Essay on COVID-19 

Here are some persuasive essay topics on COVID-19:

• The Importance of Vaccination Mandates for COVID-19 Control
• Balancing Public Health and Personal Freedom During a Pandemic
• The Economic Impact of Lockdowns vs. Public Health Benefits
• The Role of Misinformation in Fueling Vaccine Hesitancy
• Remote Learning vs. In-Person Education: What's Best for Students?
• The Ethics of Vaccine Distribution: Prioritizing Vulnerable Populations
• The Mental Health Crisis Amidst the COVID-19 Pandemic
• The Long-Term Effects of COVID-19 on Healthcare Systems
• Global Cooperation vs. Vaccine Nationalism in Fighting the Pandemic
• The Future of Telemedicine: Expanding Healthcare Access Post-COVID-19

In search of more inspiring topics for your next persuasive essay? Our persuasive essay topics blog has plenty of ideas!

To sum it up,

You have read good sample essays and got some helpful tips. You now have the tools you needed to write a persuasive essay about Covid-19. So don't let the doubts stop you, start writing!

If you need professional writing help, don't worry! We've got that for you as well.

MyPerfectWords.com is a professional persuasive essay writing service that can help you craft an excellent persuasive essay on Covid-19. Our experienced essay writer will create a well-structured, insightful paper in no time!

So don't hesitate and place your ' write my essay online ' request today!

Frequently Asked Questions

Are there any ethical considerations when writing a persuasive essay about covid-19.

Yes, there are ethical considerations when writing a persuasive essay about COVID-19. It's essential to ensure the information is accurate, not contribute to misinformation, and be sensitive to the pandemic's impact on individuals and communities. Additionally, respecting diverse viewpoints and emphasizing public health benefits can promote ethical communication.

What impact does COVID-19 have on society?

The impact of COVID-19 on society is far-reaching. It has led to job and economic losses, an increase in stress and mental health disorders, and changes in education systems. It has also had a negative effect on social interactions, as people have been asked to limit their contact with others.

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Keep reading

Home — Essay Samples — Nursing & Health — Covid 19 — My Experience during the COVID-19 Pandemic

My Experience During The Covid-19 Pandemic

• Categories: Covid 19

About this sample

Words: 440 |

Published: Jan 30, 2024

Words: 440 | Page: 1 | 3 min read

Table of contents

Introduction, physical impact, mental and emotional impact, social impact.

• World Health Organization. (2021). Coronavirus (COVID-19) Dashboard. https://covid19.who.int/
• American Psychiatric Association. (2020). Mental health and COVID-19. https://www.psychiatry.org/news-room/apa-blogs/apa-blog/2020/03/mental-health-and-covid-19
• The New York Times. (2020). Coping with Coronavirus Anxiety. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/11/well/family/coronavirus-anxiety-mental-health.html

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Covid 19 Essay in English

Essay on Covid -19: In a very short amount of time, coronavirus has spread globally. It has had an enormous impact on people's lives, economy, and societies all around the world, affecting every country. Governments have had to take severe measures to try and contain the pandemic. The virus has altered our way of life in many ways, including its effects on our health and our economy. Here are a few sample essays on ‘CoronaVirus’.

100 Words Essay on Covid 19

200 words essay on covid 19, 500 words essay on covid 19.

COVID-19 or Corona Virus is a novel coronavirus that was first identified in 2019. It is similar to other coronaviruses, such as SARS-CoV and MERS-CoV, but it is more contagious and has caused more severe respiratory illness in people who have been infected. The novel coronavirus became a global pandemic in a very short period of time. It has affected lives, economies and societies across the world, leaving no country untouched. The virus has caused governments to take drastic measures to try and contain it. From health implications to economic and social ramifications, COVID-19 impacted every part of our lives. It has been more than 2 years since the pandemic hit and the world is still recovering from its effects.

Since the outbreak of COVID-19, the world has been impacted in a number of ways. For one, the global economy has taken a hit as businesses have been forced to close their doors. This has led to widespread job losses and an increase in poverty levels around the world. Additionally, countries have had to impose strict travel restrictions in an attempt to contain the virus, which has resulted in a decrease in tourism and international trade. Furthermore, the pandemic has put immense pressure on healthcare systems globally, as hospitals have been overwhelmed with patients suffering from the virus. Lastly, the outbreak has led to a general feeling of anxiety and uncertainty, as people are fearful of contracting the disease.

My Experience of COVID-19

I still remember how abruptly colleges and schools shut down in March 2020. I was a college student at that time and I was under the impression that everything would go back to normal in a few weeks. I could not have been more wrong. The situation only got worse every week and the government had to impose a lockdown. There were so many restrictions in place. For example, we had to wear face masks whenever we left the house, and we could only go out for essential errands. Restaurants and shops were only allowed to operate at take-out capacity, and many businesses were shut down.

In the current scenario, coronavirus is dominating all aspects of our lives. The coronavirus pandemic has wreaked havoc upon people’s lives, altering the way we live and work in a very short amount of time. It has revolutionised how we think about health care, education, and even social interaction. This virus has had long-term implications on our society, including its impact on mental health, economic stability, and global politics. But we as individuals can help to mitigate these effects by taking personal responsibility to protect themselves and those around them from infection.

Effects of CoronaVirus on Education

The outbreak of coronavirus has had a significant impact on education systems around the world. In China, where the virus originated, all schools and universities were closed for several weeks in an effort to contain the spread of the disease. Many other countries have followed suit, either closing schools altogether or suspending classes for a period of time.

This has resulted in a major disruption to the education of millions of students. Some have been able to continue their studies online, but many have not had access to the internet or have not been able to afford the costs associated with it. This has led to a widening of the digital divide between those who can afford to continue their education online and those who cannot.

The closure of schools has also had a negative impact on the mental health of many students. With no face-to-face contact with friends and teachers, some students have felt isolated and anxious. This has been compounded by the worry and uncertainty surrounding the virus itself.

The situation with coronavirus has improved and schools have been reopened but students are still catching up with the gap of 2 years that the pandemic created. In the meantime, governments and educational institutions are working together to find ways to support students and ensure that they are able to continue their education despite these difficult circumstances.

Effects of CoronaVirus on Economy

The outbreak of the coronavirus has had a significant impact on the global economy. The virus, which originated in China, has spread to over two hundred countries, resulting in widespread panic and a decrease in global trade. As a result of the outbreak, many businesses have been forced to close their doors, leading to a rise in unemployment. In addition, the stock market has taken a severe hit.

Effects of CoronaVirus on Health

The effects that coronavirus has on one's health are still being studied and researched as the virus continues to spread throughout the world. However, some of the potential effects on health that have been observed thus far include respiratory problems, fever, and coughing. In severe cases, pneumonia, kidney failure, and death can occur. It is important for people who think they may have been exposed to the virus to seek medical attention immediately so that they can be treated properly and avoid any serious complications. There is no specific cure or treatment for coronavirus at this time, but there are ways to help ease symptoms and prevent the virus from spreading.

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Essay on COVID-19 Pandemic

As a result of the COVID-19 (Coronavirus) outbreak, daily life has been negatively affected, impacting the worldwide economy. Thousands of individuals have been sickened or died as a result of the outbreak of this disease. When you have the flu or a viral infection, the most common symptoms include fever, cold, coughing up bone fragments, and difficulty breathing, which may progress to pneumonia. It’s important to take major steps like keeping a strict cleaning routine, keeping social distance, and wearing masks, among other things. This virus’s geographic spread is accelerating (Daniel Pg 93). Governments restricted public meetings during the start of the pandemic to prevent the disease from spreading and breaking the exponential distribution curve. In order to avoid the damage caused by this extremely contagious disease, several countries quarantined their citizens. However, this scenario had drastically altered with the discovery of the vaccinations. The research aims to investigate the effect of the Covid-19 epidemic and its impact on the population’s well-being.

There is growing interest in the relationship between social determinants of health and health outcomes. Still, many health care providers and academics have been hesitant to recognize racism as a contributing factor to racial health disparities. Only a few research have examined the health effects of institutional racism, with the majority focusing on interpersonal racial and ethnic prejudice Ciotti et al., Pg 370. The latter comprises historically and culturally connected institutions that are interconnected. Prejudice is being practiced in a variety of contexts as a result of the COVID-19 outbreak. In some ways, the outbreak has exposed pre-existing bias and inequity.

Thousands of businesses are in danger of failure. Around 2.3 billion of the world’s 3.3 billion employees are out of work. These workers are especially susceptible since they lack access to social security and adequate health care, and they’ve also given up ownership of productive assets, which makes them highly vulnerable. Many individuals lose their employment as a result of lockdowns, leaving them unable to support their families. People strapped for cash are often forced to reduce their caloric intake while also eating less nutritiously (Fraser et al, Pg 3). The epidemic has had an impact on the whole food chain, revealing vulnerabilities that were previously hidden. Border closures, trade restrictions, and confinement measures have limited farmer access to markets, while agricultural workers have not gathered crops. As a result, the local and global food supply chain has been disrupted, and people now have less access to healthy foods. As a consequence of the epidemic, many individuals have lost their employment, and millions more are now in danger. When breadwinners lose their jobs, become sick, or die, the food and nutrition of millions of people are endangered. Particularly severely hit are the world’s poorest small farmers and indigenous peoples.

Infectious illness outbreaks and epidemics have become worldwide threats due to globalization, urbanization, and environmental change. In developed countries like Europe and North America, surveillance and health systems monitor and manage the spread of infectious illnesses in real-time. Both low- and high-income countries need to improve their public health capacities (Omer et al., Pg 1767). These improvements should be financed using a mix of national and foreign donor money. In order to speed up research and reaction for new illnesses with pandemic potential, a global collaborative effort including governments and commercial companies has been proposed. When working on a vaccine-like COVID-19, cooperation is critical.

The epidemic has had an impact on the whole food chain, revealing vulnerabilities that were previously hidden. Border closures, trade restrictions, and confinement measures have limited farmer access to markets, while agricultural workers have been unable to gather crops. As a result, the local and global food supply chain has been disrupted, and people now have less access to healthy foods (Daniel et al.,Pg 95) . As a consequence of the epidemic, many individuals have lost their employment, and millions more are now in danger. When breadwinners lose their jobs, the food and nutrition of millions of people are endangered. Particularly severely hit are the world’s poorest small farmers and indigenous peoples.

While helping to feed the world’s population, millions of paid and unpaid agricultural laborers suffer from high levels of poverty, hunger, and bad health, as well as a lack of safety and labor safeguards, as well as other kinds of abuse at work. Poor people, who have no recourse to social assistance, must work longer and harder, sometimes in hazardous occupations, endangering their families in the process (Daniel Pg 96). When faced with a lack of income, people may turn to hazardous financial activities, including asset liquidation, predatory lending, or child labor, to make ends meet. Because of the dangers they encounter while traveling, working, and living abroad; migrant agricultural laborers are especially vulnerable. They also have a difficult time taking advantage of government assistance programs.

The pandemic also has a significant impact on education. Although many educational institutions across the globe have already made the switch to online learning, the extent to which technology is utilized to improve the quality of distance or online learning varies. This level is dependent on several variables, including the different parties engaged in the execution of this learning format and the incorporation of technology into educational institutions before the time of school closure caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. For many years, researchers from all around the globe have worked to determine what variables contribute to effective technology integration in the classroom Ciotti et al., Pg 371. The amount of technology usage and the quality of learning when moving from a classroom to a distant or online format are presumed to be influenced by the same set of variables. Findings from previous research, which sought to determine what affects educational systems ability to integrate technology into teaching, suggest understanding how teachers, students, and technology interact positively in order to achieve positive results in the integration of teaching technology (Honey et al., 2000). Teachers’ views on teaching may affect the chances of successfully incorporating technology into the classroom and making it a part of the learning process.

In conclusion, indeed, Covid 19 pandemic have affected the well being of the people in a significant manner. The economy operation across the globe have been destabilized as most of the people have been rendered jobless while the job operation has been stopped. As most of the people have been rendered jobless the living conditions of the people have also been significantly affected. Besides, the education sector has also been affected as most of the learning institutions prefer the use of online learning which is not effective as compared to the traditional method. With the invention of the vaccines, most of the developed countries have been noted to stabilize slowly, while the developing countries have not been able to vaccinate most of its citizens. However, despite the challenge caused by the pandemic, organizations have been able to adapt the new mode of online trading to be promoted.

Ciotti, Marco, et al. “The COVID-19 pandemic.”  Critical reviews in clinical laboratory sciences  57.6 (2020): 365-388.

Daniel, John. “Education and the COVID-19 pandemic.”  Prospects  49.1 (2020): 91-96.

Fraser, Nicholas, et al. “Preprinting the COVID-19 pandemic.”  BioRxiv  (2021): 2020-05.

Omer, Saad B., Preeti Malani, and Carlos Del Rio. “The COVID-19 pandemic in the US: a clinical update.”  Jama  323.18 (2020): 1767-1768.

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• Open access
• Published: 14 May 2024

Rain, rain, go away, come again another day: do climate variations enhance the spread of COVID-19?

• Masha Menhat 1 ,
• Effi Helmy Ariffin   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8534-0113 2 ,
• Wan Shiao Dong 3 ,
• Junainah Zakaria 2 ,
• Aminah Ismailluddin 3 ,
• Hayrol Azril Mohamed Shafril 4 ,
• Mahazan Muhammad 5 ,
• Ahmad Rosli Othman 6 ,
• Thavamaran Kanesan 7 ,
• Suzana Pil Ramli 8 ,
• Mohd Fadzil Akhir 2 &
• Amila Sandaruwan Ratnayake 9  

Globalization and Health volume  20 , Article number:  43 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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The spread of infectious diseases was further promoted due to busy cities, increased travel, and climate change, which led to outbreaks, epidemics, and even pandemics. The world experienced the severity of the 125 nm virus called the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), a pandemic declared by the World Health Organization (WHO) in 2019. Many investigations revealed a strong correlation between humidity and temperature relative to the kinetics of the virus’s spread into the hosts. This study aimed to solve the riddle of the correlation between environmental factors and COVID-19 by applying RepOrting standards for Systematic Evidence Syntheses (ROSES) with the designed research question. Five temperature and humidity-related themes were deduced via the review processes, namely 1) The link between solar activity and pandemic outbreaks, 2) Regional area, 3) Climate and weather, 4) Relationship between temperature and humidity, and 5) the Governmental disinfection actions and guidelines. A significant relationship between solar activities and pandemic outbreaks was reported throughout the review of past studies. The grand solar minima (1450-1830) and solar minima (1975-2020) coincided with the global pandemic. Meanwhile, the cooler, lower humidity, and low wind movement environment reported higher severity of cases. Moreover, COVID-19 confirmed cases and death cases were higher in countries located within the Northern Hemisphere. The Blackbox of COVID-19 was revealed through the work conducted in this paper that the virus thrives in cooler and low-humidity environments, with emphasis on potential treatments and government measures relative to temperature and humidity.

• The coronavirus disease 2019 (COIVD-19) is spreading faster in low temperatures and humid area.

• Weather and climate serve as environmental drivers in propagating COVID-19.

• Solar radiation influences the spreading of COVID-19.

• The correlation between weather and population as the factor in spreading of COVID-19.

Graphical abstract

Introduction

The revolution and rotation of the Earth and the Sun supply heat and create differential heating on earth. The movements and the 23.5° inclination of the Earth [ 1 ] separate the oblate-ellipsoid-shaped earth into northern and southern hemispheres. Consequently, the division results in various climatic zones at different latitudes and dissimilar local temperatures (see Fig.  1 ) and affects the seasons and length of a day and night in a particular region [ 2 ]. Global differential heating and climate variability occur due to varying solar radiation received by each region [ 3 ]. According to Trenberth and Fasullo [ 4 ] and Hauschild et al. [ 5 ] the new perspective on the issue of climate change can be affected relative to the changes in solar radiation patterns. Since the study by Trenberth and Fasullo [ 4 ] focused on climate model changes from 1950 to 2100, it was found that the role of changing clouds and trapped sunlight can lead to an opening of the aperture for solar radiation.

The annual average temperature data for 2021 in the northern and southern hemispheres ( Source: meteoblue.com ). Note: The black circles mark countries with high Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) infections

Furthermore, the heat from sunlight is essential to humans; several organisms could not survive without it. Conversely, the spread of any disease-carrying virus tends to increase with less sunlight exposure [ 6 ]. Historically, disease outbreaks that led to epidemic and pandemic eruptions were correlated to atmospheric changes. Pandemic diseases, such as the flu (1918), Asian flu (1956–1958), Hong Kong flu (1968), and recently, the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) (2019), recorded over a million death toll each during the winter season or minimum temperature conditions [ 7 ]. The total number of COVID-19 cases is illustrated in Fig.  2 .

A graphical representation of the total number of COVID-19 cases across various periods between 2020 and 2021. ( Source : www.worldometers.info ). Note: The black circles indicate countries with high numbers COVID-19-infections

In several previous outbreaks, investigations revealed a significant association between temperature and humidity with a particular focus on the transmission dynamics of the infection from the virus into the hosts [ 8 , 9 , 10 ]. Moreover, disease outbreaks tended to heighten in cold temperatures and low humidity [ 11 ]. Optimal temperature and sufficient relative humidity during evaporation are necessary for cloud formation, resulting in the precipitated liquid falling to the ground as rain, snow, or hail due to the activity of solar radiation balancing [ 4 ].

Consequently, the radiation balancing processes in the atmosphere are directly linked to the living beings on the earth, including plants and animals, and as well as viruses and bacterias. According to Carvalho et al. [ 12 ]‘s study, the survival rate of the Coronaviridae Family can decrease during summer seasons. Nevertheless, numerous diseases were also developed from specific viruses, such as influenza, malaria, and rubella, and in November 2019, a severe health threat originated from a 125 nm size of coronavirus, had resulted in numerous deaths worldwide.

Transmission and symptoms of COVID-19

The COVID-19, or severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), is an infectious disease caused by a newly discovered pathogenic virus from the coronavirus family, the novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV) [ 13 ]. The first case was recorded in Wuhan, China, in December 2019 [ 14 ]. The pathogenic virus is transmitted among humans when they breathe in air contaminated with droplets and tiny airborne particles containing the virus [ 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 ].

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), the most common symptoms of COVID-19 infection include fever, dry cough, and tiredness. Nevertheless, older people and individuals with underlying health problems (lung and heart problems, high blood pressure, diabetes, or cancer) are at higher risk of becoming seriously ill and developing difficulty breathing [ 19 ]. The COVID-19 was initially only predominant in China but rapidly spread to other countries globally. The remarkably swift acceleration of the number of infections and mortality forced WHO to declare COVID-19 a global public health emergency on the 30th of January 2020, which was later declared as a pandemic on the 11th of March 2020 [ 20 ].

Since no vaccine was available then, WHO introduced the COVID-19 preventative measures to reduce the chances of virus transmission. The guideline for individual preventative included practising hand and respiratory hygiene by regularly cleaning hands with soap and water or alcohol-based sanitisers, wear a facemask and always maintaining at least a one-meter physical distance [ 21 ]. Nevertheless, the worldwide transmission of COVID-19 has resulted in fear and forced numerous countries to impose restrictions rules, such as lockdown, travel bans, closed country borders, restrictions on shipping activities, and movement limitations, to diminish the spread of COVID-19 [ 22 ].

According to WHO, by the 2nd of December 2020, 63,379,338 confirmed cases and 1,476,676 mortalities were recorded globally. On the 3rd of December 2021, 263,655,612 confirmed cases and deaths were recorded, reflecting increased COVID-19 infections compared to the previous year. The American and European regions documented the highest COVID-19 patients with 97,341,769 and 88,248,591 cases, respectively (see Fig. 2 ), followed by Southeast Asia with 44,607,287, Eastern Mediterranean accounted 16,822,791, Western Pacific recorded 6,322,034, and Africa reported the lowest number of cases at 6,322,034 [ 19 ].

Recently, an increasing number of studies are investigating the association between environmental factors (temperature and humidity) and the viability, transmission, and survival of the coronavirus [ 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 ]. The results primarily demonstrated that temperature was more significantly associated with the transmission of COVID-19 [ 27 , 28 , 29 ] and its survival period on the surfaces of objects [ 30 ]. Consequently, the disease was predominant in countries with low temperature and humidity [ 31 ], which was also proven by Diao et al. [ 32 ]‘s study demonstrating higher rates of COVID-19 transmission in China, England, Germany, and Japan.

A comprehensive systematic literature review (SLR) is still lacking despite numerous research on environmental factors linked to coronavirus. Accordingly, this article aimed to fill the gap in understanding and identifying the correlation between environmental factors and COVID-19 by analysing existing reports. Systematically reviewing existing literature is essential to contribute to the body of knowledge and provide beneficial information for public health policymakers.

Methodology

The present study reviewed the protocols, formulation of research questions, selection of studies, appraisal of quality, and data abstraction and analysis.

The protocol review

The present SLR was performed according to the reporting standards for systematic evidence syntheses (ROSES) and followed or adapted the guidelines as closely as possible. Thus, in this study, a systematic literature review was guided by the ROSES review protocol (Fig.  3 ). Compared to preferred reporting items for systematic review and meta-analysis (PRISMA), ROSES is a review protocol specifically designed for a systematic review in the conservation or environment management fields [ 33 ]. Compared to PRISMA, ROSES offers several advantages, as it is tailored to environmental systematic review, which reduces emphasis on quantitative synthesis (e.g. meta-analysis etc.) that is only reliable when used with appropriate data [ 34 ].

The flow diagram guide by ROSES protocol and Thematical Analysis

The current SLR started by determining the appropriate research questions, followed by the selection criteria, including the review, specifically on the keywords employed and the selection of journals database. Subsequently, the appraisal quality process and data abstraction and analysis were conducted.

Formulation of research questions

The entire process of this SLR was guided by the specific research questions, while sources to be reviewed and data abstraction and analysis were in line with the determined research question [ 35 , 36 ]. In the present article, a total of five research questions were formed, namely:

What the link between solar activity and COVID-19 pandemic outbreaks?

Which regions were more prone to COVID-19?

What were the temporal and spatial variabilities of high temperature and humidity during the spread of COVID-19?

What is the relationship between temperature and humidity in propagating COVID-19?

How did the government’s disinfection actions and guidelines can be reducing the spread of COVID-19?

Systematic searching strategies

Selection of studies.

In this stage of the study, the appropriate keywords to be employed in the searching process were determined. After referring to existing literature, six main keywords were chosen for the searching process, namely COVID-19, coronavirus, temperature, humidity, solar radiation and population density. The current study also utilised the boolean operators (OR, AND, AND NOT) and phrase searching.

Scopus was employed as the main database during the searching process, in line with the suggestion by Gusenbauer and Haddaway [ 37 ], who noted the strength of the database in terms of quality control and search and filtering functions. Furthermore, Google Scholar was selected as the supporting database. Although Halevi et al. [ 38 ] expressed concerns about its quality, Haddaway et al. [ 39 ] reported that due to its quantity, Google Scholar was suitable as a supporting database in SLR studies.

In the first stage of the search, 2550 articles were retrieved, which were then screened. The suitable criteria were also determined to control the quality of the articles reviewed [ 40 ]. The criteria are: any documents published between 2000 to 2022, documents that consist previously determined keywords, published in English, and any environment-related studies that focused on COVID-19. Based on these criteria, 2372 articles were excluded and 178 articles were proceeded to the next step namely eligibility. In the eligibility process, the title and the abstract of the articles were examined to ensure its relevancy to the SLR and in this process a total of 120 articles were excluded and only 58 articles were processed in the next stage.

Appraisal of the quality

The study ensured the rigor of the chosen articles based on best evidence synthesis. In the process, predefined inclusion criteria for the review were appraised by the systematic review team based on previously established guidelines and the studies were then judged as being scientifically admissible or not [ 40 ]. Hence, by controlling the quality based on the best evidence synthesis, the present SLR controls its quality by including articles that are in line with the inclusion criteria. It means that any article published within the timeline (in the year 2000 and above), composed of predetermined keywords, in English medium, and environment-related investigations focusing on COVID-19 are included in the review. Based on this process, all 58 articles fulfilled all the inclusion criteria and are considered of good quality and included in the review.

Data abstraction and analysis

The data abstraction process in this study was performed based on five research questions (please refer to 2.2, formulation of research questions). The data that was able to answer the questions were abstracted and placed in a table to ease the data analysis process. The primary data analysis technique employed in the current study was qualitative and relied on thematic analysis.

The thematic technique is a descriptive method that combines data flexibly with other information evaluation methods [ 41 ], aiming to identify the patterns in studies. Any similarities and relationships within the abstracted data emerge as patterns. Subsequently, suitable themes and sub-themes would be developed based on obtained patterns [ 42 ]. Following the thematic process, five themes were selected in this study.

Background of the selected articles

The current study selected 58 articles for the SLR. Five themes were developed based on the thematic analysis from the predetermined research questions: the link between solar activity and pandemic outbreaks, regional area, climate and weather, the relationship between temperature and humidity, and government disinfection action guidelines. Among the articles retrieved between 2000 and 2022; two were published in 2010, one in 2011, four in 2013, three in 2014, two in 2015, six in 2016 and 2017, respectively, one in 2018, six in 2019, twelve in 2020, eight in 2021, and seven in 2022.

Temperature- and humidity-related themes

The link between solar activity and pandemic outbreaks.

Numerous scientists have investigated the relationship between solar activities and pandemic outbreaks over the years ([ 43 ]; A [ 27 , 44 , 45 ].). Nuclear fusions from solar activities have resulted in minimum and maximum solar sunspots. Maximum solar activities are characterised by a high number of sunspots and elevated solar flare frequency and coronal mass injections. Minimum solar sunspot occurrences are identified by low interplanetary magnetic field values entering the earth [ 1 ].

A diminished magnetic field was suggested to be conducive for viruses and bacteria to mutate, hence the onset of pandemics. Nonetheless, Hoyle and Wickramasinghe [ 46 ] reported that the link between solar activity and pandemic outbreaks is only speculative. The literature noted that the data recorded between 1930 and 1970 demonstrated that virus transmissions and pandemic occurrences were coincidental. Moreover, no pandemic cases were reported in 1979, when minimum solar activity was recorded [ 47 ].

Chandra Wickramasinghe et al. [ 48 ] suggested a significant relationship between pandemic outbreaks and solar activities as several grand solar minima, including Sporer (1450–1550 AD), Mounder (1650–1700 AD), and Dalton (1800–1830) minimums, were recorded coinciding with global pandemics of diseases, such as smallpox, the English sweat, plague, and cholera pandemics. Furthermore, since the Dalton minimum, which recorded minimum sunspots, studies from 2002 to 2015 have documented the reappearance of previous pandemics. For example, influenza subtype H1N1 1918/1919 episodically returned in 2009, especially in India, China, and other Asian countries. Zika virus, which first appeared in 1950, flared and became endemic in 2015, transmitted sporadically, specifically in African countries. Similarly, SARS-CoV was first recorded in China in 2002 and emerged as an outbreak, MERS-CoV, in middle east countries a decade later, in 2012.

In 2020, the World Data Centre Sunspot Index and Long-term Solar Observations ( http://sidc.be ) confirmed that a new solar activity was initiated in December 2019, during which a novel coronavirus pandemic also occurred, and present a same as the previous hypothesis. Nevertheless, a higher number of pandemic outbreaks were documented during low minimum solar activities, including Ebola (1976), H5N1 (Nipah) (1967–1968), H1N1 (2009), and COVID-19 (2019–current). Furthermore, Wickramasinghe and Qu [ 49 ] reported that since 1918 or 1919, more devastating and recurrent pandemics tend to occur, particularly after a century. Consequently, within 100 years, a sudden surge of influenza was recorded, and novel influenza was hypothesised to emerge.

Figure  4 demonstrates that low minimum solar activity significantly reduced before 2020, hence substantiating the claim that pandemic events are closely related to solar activities. Moreover, numerous studies (i.e. [ 43 ], Chandra [ 46 , 47 , 48 ]) reported that during solar minimums, new viruses could penetrate the surfaces of the earth and high solar radiation would result in lower infection rates, supporting the hypothesis mentioned above.

The number of sunspots in the last 13 years. Note : The yellow curve indicates the daily sunspot number and the 2010–2021 delineated curve illustrates the minimum solar activity recorded (source: http://sidc.be/silso )

Regional area

In early December 2019, Wuhan, China, was reported as the centre of the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) outbreak [ 50 ]. Chinese health authorities immediately investigated and controlled the spread of the disease. Nevertheless, by late January 2020, the WHO announced that COVID-19 was a global public health emergency. The upgrade was due to the rapid rise in confirmed cases, which were no longer limited to Wuhan [ 28 ]. The disease had spread to 24 other countries, which were mainly in the northern hemisphere, particularly the European and Western Pacific regions, such as France, United Kingdom, Spain, South Korea, Japan, Malaysia, and Indonesia [ 51 , 52 ]. The migration or movement of humans was the leading agent in the spread of COVID-19, resulting in an almost worldwide COVID-19 pandemic [ 53 ].

The first hotspots of the epidemic outspread introduced by the Asian and Western Pacific regions possessed similar winter climates with an average temperature and humidity rate of 5–11 °C and 47–79%. Consequently, several publications reviewed in the current study associated the COVID-19 outbreak with regional climates (i.e. [ 1 , 29 , 54 , 55 ]) instead of its close connection to China. This review also discussed the effects of a range of specific climatological variables on the transmission and epidemiology of COVID-19 in regional climatic conditions.

America and Europe documented the highest COVID-19 cases, outnumbering the number reported in Asia [ 19 ] and on the 2nd of December 2020, the United States of America (USA) reported the highest number of confirmed COVID-19 infections, with over 13,234,551 cases and 264,808 mortalities (Da S [ 56 ].). The cases in the USA began emerging in March 2020 and peaked in late November 2020, during the wintertime in the northern hemisphere (December to March) [ 53 ]. Figure  5 demonstrates the evolution of the COVID-19 pandemic in several country which represent comparison two phase of summer and one phase of winter. Most of these countries tend to increase of COVID cases close to winter season. Then, it can be worsening on phase two of summer due to do not under control of human movement although the normal trend it is presenting during winter phase.

The evolution of the COVID-19 pandemic from the 15th of February 2020 to the 2nd of December 2020 ( Source: https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus )

The coronavirus spread aggressively across the European region, which recorded the second highest COVID-19 confirmed cases after America. At the end of 2020, WHO reported 19,071,275 Covid-19 cases in the area, where France documented 2,183,275 cases, the European country with the highest number of confirmed cases, followed by the United Kingdom (1,629,661 cases) and Spain (1,652,801 cases) [ 19 ]. Europe is also located in the northern hemisphere and possesses a temperate climate.

The spatial and temporal transmission patterns of coronavirus infection in the European region were similar to America and the Eastern Mediterranean, where the winter season increased COVID-19 cases. Typically, winter in Europe occurs at the beginning of October and ends in March. Hardy et al. [ 57 ] also stated that temperature commonly drops below freezing (approximately − 1 °C) when snow accumulates between December to mid-March, resulting in an extreme environment. Figure 5 indicates that COVID-19 cases peaked in October when the temperature became colder [ 21 ]. Similarly, the cases were the highest in the middle of the year in Australia and South Asian countries, such as India, that experience winter and monsoon, respectively, during the period.

In African regions, the outbreak of COVID-19 escalated rapidly from June to October before falling from October to March, as summer in South Africa generally occurs from November to March, while winter from June to August. Nevertheless, heavy rainfall generally transpires during summer, hence the warm and humid conditions in South Africa and Namibia during summer, while the opposite happens during winter (cold and dry). Consequently, the outbreak in the region recorded an increasing trend during winter and subsided during the summer, supporting the report by Gunthe et al. [ 58 ]. Novel coronavirus disease presents unique and grave challenges in Africa, as it has for the rest of the world. However, the infrastructure and resources have limitations for Africa countries facing COVID-19 pandemic and the threat of other diseases [ 59 ].

Conclusively, seasonal and regional climate patterns were associated with COVID-19 outbreaks globally. According to Kraemer et al. [ 60 ], they used real-time mobility data in Wuhan and early measurement presented a positive correlation between human mobility and spread of COVID-19 cases. However, after the implementation of control measures, this correlation dropped and growth rates became negative in most locations, although shifts in the demographics of reported cases were still indicative of local chains of transmission outside of Wuhan.

Climate and weather

The term “weather” represents the changes in the environment that occur daily and in a short period, while “climate” is defined as atmospheric changes happening over a long time (over 3 months) in specific regions. Consequently, different locations would experience varying climates. Numerous reports suggested climate and weather variabilities as the main drivers that sped or slowed the transmission of SARS-CoV-2 worldwide [ 44 , 61 , 62 , 63 ].

From a meteorological perspective, a favourable environment has led to the continued existence of the COVID-19 virus in the atmosphere [ 64 ]. Studies demonstrated that various meteorological conditions, such as the rate of relative humidity (i.e. [ 28 ]), precipitation (i.e. [ 65 ]), temperature (i.e. [ 66 ]), and wind speed factors (i.e. [ 54 ]), were the crucial components that contributed to the dynamic response of the pandemic, influencing either the mitigation or exacerbation of novel coronavirus transmission. In other words, the environment was considered the medium for spreading the disease when other health considerations were put aside. Consequently, new opinions, knowledge, and findings are published and shared to increase awareness, thus encouraging preventive measures within the public.

The coronavirus could survive in temperatures under 30 °C with a relative humidity of less than 80% [ 67 ], suggesting that high temperatures and lower relative humidity contributed to the elicitation of COVID-19 cases [ 18 , 51 , 58 , 68 ]. Lagtayi et al. [ 7 ] highlighted temperature as a critical factor, evidently from the increased transmission rate of MERS-Cov in African states with a warm and dry climate. Similarly, the highest COVID-19 cases were recorded in dry temperate regions, especially in western Europe (France and Spain), China, and the USA, while the countries nearer to the equator were less affected. Nevertheless, the temperature factor relative to viral infections depends on the protein available in the viruses. According to Chen and Shakhnovich [ 69 ], there is a good correlation between decreasing temperature and the growth of proteins in virus. Consequently, preventive measures that take advantage of conducive environments for specific viruses are challenging.

Precipitation also correlates with influenza [ 43 ]. A report demonstrated that regions with at least 150 mm of monthly precipitation threshold level experienced fewer cases than regions with lower precipitation rates. According to Martins et al. [ 70 ], influenza and COVID-19 can be affected by climate, where virus can be spread through the respiratory especially during rainfall season. The daily spread of Covid-19 cases in tropical countries, which receive high precipitation levels, are far less than in temperate countries [ 27 ]. Likewise, high cases of COVID-19 were reported during the monsoon season (mid-year) in India during which high rainfall is recorded [ 71 ]. Moreover, the majority of the population in these regions has lower vitamin D levels, which may contribute to weakened immune responses during certain seasons [ 27 ].

Rainfall increases the relative atmospheric humidity, which is unfavourable to the coronaviruses as its transmission requires dry and cold weather. Moreover, several reports hypothesised that rain could wash away viruses on object surfaces, which is still questioned. Most people prefer staying home on rainy days, allowing less transmission or close contact. Conversely, [ 72 ] exhibited that precipitation did not significantly impact COVID-19 infectiousness in Oslo, Norway due the location in northern hemisphere which are during winter season presenting so cold.

Coşkun et al. [ 54 ] and Wu et al. [ 29 ] claimed that wind could strongly correlate with the rate of COVID-19 transmission. Atmospheric instability (turbulent occurrences) leads to increased wind speed and reduces the dispersion of particulate matter (PM 2.5 and PM 10 ) in the environment and among humans. An investigation performed in 55 cities in Italy during the COVID-19 outbreak proved that the areas with low wind movement (stable atmospheric conditions) possessed a higher correlation coefficient and exceeded the threshold value of the safe level of PM 2.5 and PM 10 . Resultantly, more individuals were recorded infected with the disease in the regions. As mentioned in Martins et al. [ 70 ] the COVID-19 can be affected by climate and the virus can be spread through respiratory which is the virus moving in the wind movement.

The relationship between temperature and humidity

Climatic parameters, such as temperature and humidity, were investigated as the crucial factors in the epidemiology of the respiratory virus survival and transmission of COVID-19 ([ 61 ]; S [ 73 , 74 ].). The rising number of confirmed cases indicated the strong transmission ability of COVID-19 and was related to meteorological parameters. Furthermore, several studies found that the disease transmission was associated with the temperature and humidity of the environment [ 55 , 64 , 68 , 75 ], while other investigations have examined and reviewed environmental factors that could influence the epidemiological aspects of Covid-19.

Generally, increased COVID-19 cases and deaths corresponded with temperature, humidity, and viral transmission and mortality. Various studies reported that colder and dryer environments favoured COVID-19 epidemiologically [ 45 , 76 , 77 ]. As example tropical region, the observations indicated that the summer (middle of year) and rainy seasons (end of the year) could effectively diminish the transmission and mortality from COVID-19. High precipitation statistically increases relative air humidity, which is unfavourable for the survival of coronavirus, which prefers dry and cold conditions [ 32 , 34 , 78 , 79 ]. Consequently, warmer conditions could reduce COVID-19 transmission. A 1 °C increase in the temperature recorded a decrease in confirmed cases by 8% increase [ 45 ].

Several reports established that the minimum, maximum, and average temperature and humidity correlated with COVID-19 occurrence and mortality [ 55 , 80 , 81 ]. The lowest and highest temperatures of 24 and 27.3 °C and a humidity between 76 and 91% were conducive to spreading the virulence agents. The propagation of the disease peaked at the average temperature of 26 °C and humidity of 55% before gradually decreasing with elevated temperature and humidity [ 78 ].

Researchers are still divided on the effects of temperature and humidity on coronavirus transmission. Xu et al. [ 26 ] confirmed that COVID-19 cases gradually increased with higher temperature and lower humidity, indicating that the virus was actively transmitted in warm and dry conditions. Nevertheless, several reports stated that the spread of COVID-19 was negatively correlated with temperature and humidity [ 10 , 29 , 63 ]. The conflicting findings require further investigation. Moreover, other factors, such as population density, elderly population, cultural aspects, and health interventions, might potentially influence the epidemiology of the disease and necessitate research.

Governmental disinfection actions and guidelines

The COVID-19 is a severe health threat that is still spreading worldwide. The epidemiology of the SAR-CoV-2 virus might be affected by several factors, including meteorological conditions (temperature and humidity), population density, and healthcare quality, that permit it to spread rapidly [ 16 , 17 ]. Nevertheless, in 2020, no effective pharmaceutical interventions or vaccines were available for the diagnosis, treatment, and epidemic prevention against COVID-19 [ 73 , 82 ]. Consequently, after 2020 the governments globally have designed and executed non-pharmacological public health measures, such as lockdown, travel bans, social distancing, quarantine, public place closure, and public health actions, to curb the spread of COVID-19 infections and several studies have reported on the effects of these plans [ 13 , 83 ].

The COVID-19 is mainly spread via respiratory droplets from an infected person’s mouth or nose to another in close contact [ 84 ]. Accordingly, WHO and most governments worldwide have recommended wearing facemasks in public areas to curb the transmission of COVID-19. The facemasks would prevent individuals from breathing COVID-19-contaminated air [ 85 ]. Furthermore, the masks could hinder the transmission of the virus from an infected person as the exhaled air is trapped in droplets collected on the masks, suspending it in the atmosphere for longer. The WHO also recommended adopting a proper hand hygiene routine to prevent transmission and employing protective equipment, such as gloves and body covers, especially for health workers [ 86 ].

Besides wearing protective equipment, social distancing was also employed to control the Covid-19 outbreak [ 74 , 87 ]. Social distancing hinders the human-to-human transmission of the coronavirus in the form of droplets from the mouth and nose, as evidenced by the report from Sun and Zhai [ 88 ]. Conversely, Nair & Selvaraj [ 89 ] demonstrated that social distancing was less effective in communities and cultures where gatherings are the norm. Nonetheless, the issue could be addressed by educating the public and implementing social distancing policies, such as working from home and any form of plague treatment.

Infected persons, individuals who had contact with confirmed or suspected COVID-19 patients, and persons living in areas with high transmission rates were recommended to undergo quarantine by WHO. The quarantine could be implemented voluntarily or legally enforced by authorities and applicable to individuals, groups, or communities (community containment) [ 90 ]. A person under mandatory quarantine must stay in a place for a recommended 14-day period, based on the estimated incubation period of the SARS-CoV-2 [ 19 , 91 ]. According to Stasi et al. [ 92 ], 14-days period for mandatory quarantine it is presenting a clinical improvement after they found 5-day group and 10-day group can be decrease number of patient whose getting effect of COVID-19 from 64 to 54% respectively. This also proven by Ahmadi et al. [ 43 ] and Foad et al. [ 93 ], quarantining could reduce the transmission of COVID-19.

Lockdown and travel bans, especially in China, the centre of the coronavirus outbreak, reduced the infection rate and the correlation of domestic air traffic with COVID-19 cases [ 17 ]. The observations were supported by Sun & Zhai [ 88 ] and Sun et al. [ 94 ], who noted that travel restrictions diminished the number of COVID-19 reports by 75.70% compared to baseline scenarios without restrictions. Furthermore, example in Malaysia, lockdowns improved the air quality of polluted areas especially in primarily at main cities [ 95 ]. As additional, Martins et al. [ 70 ] measure the Human Development Index (HDI) with the specific of socio-economic variables as income, education and health. In their study, the income and education levels are the main relevant factors that affect the socio-economic.

A mandatory lockdown is an area under movement control as a preventive measure to stop the coronavirus from spreading to other areas. Numerous governments worldwide enforced the policy to restrict public movements outside their homes during the pandemic. Resultantly, human-to-human transmission of the virus was effectively reduced. The lockdown and movement control order were also suggested for individuals aged 80 and above or with low or compromised immunities, as these groups possess a higher risk of contracting the disease [ 44 ].

Governments still enforced movement orders even after the introduction of vaccines by Pfizer, Moderna, and Sinovac, as the vaccines only protect high-risk individuals from the worst effects of COVID-19. Consequently, in most countries, after receiving the first vaccine dose, individuals were allowed to resume life as normal but were still required to follow the standard operating procedures (SOP) outlined by the government.

The government attempted to balance preventing COVID-19 spread and recovering economic activities, for example, local businesses, maritime traders, shipping activities, oil and gas production and economic trades [ 22 , 96 ]. Nonetheless, the COVID-19 cases demonstrated an increasing trend during the summer due to the higher number of people travelling and on vacation, primarily to alleviate stress from lockdowns. Several new variants were discovered, including the Delta and Omicron strains, which spread in countries such as the USA and the United Kingdom. The high number of COVID-19 cases prompted the WHO to suggest booster doses to ensure full protection.

As mentioned in this manuscript, the COVID-19 still uncertain for any kind factors that can be affected on spreading of this virus. However, regarding many sources of COVID-19 study, the further assessment on this factor need to be continue to be sure, that we ready to facing probably in 10 years projection of solar minimum phase can be held in same situation for another pandemic.

The sun has an eleven-year cycle known as the solar cycle, related to its magnetic field, which controls the activities on its surface through sunspots. When the magnetic fields are active, numerous sunspots are formed on its surface, hence the sun produces more radiation energy emitted to the earth. The condition is termed solar maximum (see Fig.  6 , denoted by the yellow boxes). Alternatively, as the magnetic field of the sun weakens, the number of sunspots decreases, resulting in less radiation energy being emitted to the earth. The phenomenon is known as the solar minimum (see Fig. 6 , represented by the blue boxes).

The emergence and recurrence of pandemics every 5 years in relation to solar activities ( Source: www.swpc.noaa.gov/ ). Note: The yellow boxes indicate the solar maximum, while the blue boxes represent the solar minimum

The magnetic field of the sun protects the earth from cosmic or galactic cosmic rays emitted by supernova explosions, stars, and gamma-ray bursts [ 97 ]. Nevertheless, galactic cosmic rays could still reach the earth during the solar minimum, the least solar radiation energy period. In the 20th and early 21st centuries, several outbreaks of viral diseases that affected the respiratory system (pneumonia or influenza), namely the Spanish (1918–1919), Asian (1957–1958) and Hong Kong (1968) flu, were documented. Interestingly, the diseases that claimed numerous lives worldwide occurred at the peak of the solar maximum.

Figure  6 illustrates the correlation between the number of sunspots and disease outbreaks from 1975 to 2021, including COVID-19, that began to escalate in December 2019. Under the solar minimum conditions, the spread of Ebola (1976), H5N1 (1997–1998), H1N1 (2009), and COVID-19 (2019-2020) were documented, while the solar maximum phenomenon recorded SARS (2002) and H7N9 (2012–2013) or MERS outbreaks. Nonetheless, solar activity through the production of solar sunspots began to decline since the 22nd solar cycle. Accordingly, further studies are necessary to investigate the influence such solar variations could impart or not on pandemic development.

Despite the findings mentioned above, the sun and cosmic radiations could influence the distribution or outspread of disease-spreading viruses. The rays could kill the viruses via DNA destruction or influence their genetic mutations, which encourage growth and viral evolution. Nevertheless, the connection between radiation and the evolutionary process requires further study by specialists in the field it is become true or not.

The spread of viral diseases transpires naturally in our surroundings and occurs unnoticed by humans. According to records, the spread of pandemic diseases, including the Black Death (fourteenth century) and the Spanish flu (1919), was significantly influenced by the decline and peak of solar activities. Furthermore, in the past 20 years, various diseases related to the influenza virus have been recorded. According to the pattern observed, if all diseases were related to the solar cycle (solar maximum and minimum), the viral diseases would reoccur every 5 to 6 years since they first appeared between 1995 and 2020. Accordingly, the next pandemic might occur around 2024 or 2025 and need to have a proper study for prove these statements. Nonetheless, the activities on the surface of the sun have been weakening since the 23rd solar cycle and it can be proven later after the proper study can be make it.

The beginning of the COVID-19 spread, only several countries with the same winter climate with an average temperature of 5–11 °C and an average humidity rate of 47–79% located at latitudes 30–50 N reported cases. The areas included Wuhan distribution centres in China, the United Kingdom, France, Spain, South Korea, Japan, and the USA (see Fig.  5 ). Other than biological aspects, the higher number of confirmed cases recorded in colder environments was due to the human body secreting less lymphoproliferative hormone, leading to decreased immunogenicity effects and increased risk of infection [ 24 ]. Consequently, the virus could attack and rapidly infect humans during the period [ 1 , 54 ].

The lymphoproliferative response is a protective immune response that plays a vital role in protecting and eradicating infections and diseases. On the other hand, staying in warm conditions or being exposed to more sunlight would lower the risks of infection. According to Asyary and Veruswati [ 98 ], sunlight triggers vitamin D, which increases immunity and increases the recovery rates of infected individuals.

Researchers believe that viruses could survive in the environment for up to 3 to 4 years or even longer. The survival rate of the microorganisms is relatively high, which is related to their biological structures, adaptability on any surfaces, and transmission medium to spread diseases. Viruses possess simple protein structures, namely the spike, membrane, and envelope protein; therefore, when they enter living organisms (such as through the respiratory system), the viruses are easily transmitted.

Once they have entered a host, the viruses duplicate exponentially and swarm the lungs. Subsequently, after the targeted organs, such as the lungs, are invaded, the viruses attack the immune system and create confusion in protective cells to destroy healthy cells. The situation is still considered safe in younger and healthy individuals as their immune systems could differentiate and counter-attack the viruses, curing them. Nonetheless, in elders and individuals with several chronic diseases, most of their protective cells are dead, hence their immune system is forced to work hard to overcome the infection. Pneumonia and death tend to occur when the situation is overwhelming [ 85 ]. Consequently, the viruses are harmful to humans as they could multiply in a short period, enter the blood, and overrun the body.

The coronavirus could attach to surfaces without a host, including door knobs and steel and plastic materials. The microorganisms could survive alone, but virologists have yet to determine how long. If someone touches any surface with the virus, the individual would then be infected. The situation would worsen if the infected person contacted numerous people and became a super spreader. A super spreader does not exhibit any symptoms and continuously transmits the virus without realising it. An infected individual transmits the coronavirus via droplets from coughs or sneezes. Nevertheless, scientists have yet to determine if coronavirus is spread via airborne or droplets, hence requiring thorough evaluation [ 99 ].

The COVID-19 virus mutates over time, and it can be changing any times. Mutations alter the behaviour and genetic structure of the virus, resulting in a new strain. Numerous research have been conducted to procure vaccines and anti-viral medications, but mutations have led to evolutionary disadvantages. The novel strains are more infectious than the original ones. As of November 2020, approximately six new coronavirus strains have been detected, each displaying different transmission behaviours [ 100 ].

Recent studies demonstrated that the mutated viruses exhibit little variability, allowing scientists to produce viable vaccines [ 71 ]. Furthermore, different types of vaccines are manufactured by different countries, which could be advantageous. Currently, most countries also recommend booster doses to attain extra protection after receiving the mandatory two vaccine doses. In same time, the social and physical interactions between humans also necessitate to be aware.

The COVID-19 virus is primarily transmitted through droplets produced by an infected person. Accordingly, physical distancing, a one-metre minimum distance between individuals [ 19 ], and following the SOP might prevent or avoid spreading the disease. Moreover, self-quarantine, school closures, working from home, cancelling large events, limiting gatherings, and avoiding spending long periods in crowded places are essential strategies in enforcing physical distancing at a community level. The policies are essential precautions that could reduce the further spreading of coronavirus and break the chain of transmission.

Government support also need to control the spread of COVID-19 with the strict SOP. The SOP enforcement in public places would enhance adherence to the new practice among the public and the community, aiding in curbing disease transmission. Practising limited meetings and social gatherings, avoiding crowded places, workplace distancing, preventing non-necessary travels of high-risk family members, especially those with chronic disease, and adhering to the recommended SOP could reduce coronavirus outbreaks. Nonetheless, individual awareness is also necessary to achieve COVID-19 spread prevention.

Many researchers are focused on identifying the primary drivers of pandemic outbreaks. Seasonal, temperature, and humidity differences significantly impacted COVID-19 growth rate variations. It is crucial to highlight the potential link between the recurrence of pandemics every 5 years and solar activities, which can influence temperature and humidity variations. Notable variations in COVID-19 mortality rates were observed between northern and southern hemisphere countries, with the former having higher rates. One hypothesis suggests that populations in the northern hemisphere may receive insufficient sunlight to maintain optimal vitamin D levels during winter, possibly leading to higher mortality rates.

The first COVID-19 case was detected in Wuhan, China, which is in the northern hemisphere. The number of cases rapidly propagated in December during the winter season. At the time, the temperature in Wuhan was recorded at 13–18 °C. Accordingly, one theory proposes that the survival and transmission of the coronavirus were due to meteorological conditions, namely temperatures between 13 and 18 °C and 50–80% humidity.

Daily rainfall directly impacts humidity levels. The coronavirus exhibited superior survival rates in cold and dry conditions. Furthermore, transmissible gastroenteritis (TGEV) suspensions and possibly other coronaviruses remain viable longer in their airborne states, which are more reliably collected in low relative humidity than in high humidity. Consequently, summer rains would effectively reduce COVID-19 transmission in southern hemisphere regions.

In southern hemisphere regions, the summer seasons are accompanied by a high average temperature at the end and beginning of the year. Countries with temperatures exceeding 24 °C reported fewer infections. As temperatures rise from winter to summer, virus transmission is expected to decline. Nonetheless, the activities and transmission of the virus were expected to decrease during winter to summer transitions, when the countries would be warmer. The peak intensity of infections strongly depends on the level of seasonal transmissions.

Social distancing plays a critical role in preventing the overload of healthcare systems. Many respiratory pathogens, including those causing mild common cold-like syndromes, show seasonal fluctuations, often peaking in winter. This trend can be attributed to increased indoor crowding, school reopening, and climatic changes during autumn.

The spread of COVID-19 to neighbouring regions can be attributed to population interactions. Migration patterns, such as the movement from northern to southern regions during the warmer months, have significant epidemiological impacts. This trend mirrors the behavior of influenza pandemics where minor outbreaks in spring or summer are often followed by major waves in autumn or winter.

Availability of data and materials

Not applicable.

Abbreviations

Novel coronavirus

Coronavirus disease 2019

Deoxyribonucleic acid

Swine influenza

Influenza A virus subtype H5N1

Asian Lineage Avian Influenza A(H7N9) Virus

Middle East respiratory syndrome

Middle East respiratory syndrome Coronavirus

Particulate matter

Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses

RepOrting standards for Systematic Evidence Syntheses

Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome

Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus

Syndrome coronavirus 2

Systematic literature review

Standard operating procedure

Transmissible gastroenteritis Virus

United States of America

World Health Organization

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• Published: 10 May 2024

Happiness amidst the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia: exploring gender, residence type, and pandemic severity

• Indera Ratna Irawati Pattinasarany   ORCID: orcid.org/0009-0008-1529-2751 1  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  11 , Article number:  609 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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This study delves into the dynamics shaping happiness levels in Indonesia before and during the COVID-19 pandemic, specifically emphasizing gender and residence-type disparities. Using data from the 2017 and 2021 Happiness Level Measurement Survey, it offers insights into how different population segments were affected. The analysis employs a multilevel mixed-effects ordered logistic model, considering individuals nested within provinces, and measures pandemic severity using positive COVID-19 cases per 100,000 residents. This study evaluates pandemic-related happiness shifts using nationwide cross-sectional survey data from two timeframes. It derives substantial statistical strength from data involving 137,000+ respondents gathered through comprehensive face-to-face interviews. It mitigates recall bias by capturing happiness at two distinct time points, avoiding retrospective measures. The study examines and validates four research questions. First, higher COVID-19 cases in provinces correlate with lower happiness. Second, though women were happier than men, the pandemic reduced this gender-based gap. Third, urban residents were generally happier than rural residents, but the pandemic narrowed this difference. All the estimates exhibit statistical significance at the 1 percent level. Finally, while provincial poverty showed minimal happiness impact, a negative association between unequal per capita expenditure and happiness emerged, providing partial backing for investigating the role of macroeconomic conditions. This study reveals that the COVID-19 pandemic altered happiness dynamics in Indonesia, narrowing gender and residence-based gaps. It also emphasizes the role of socioeconomic factors, particularly unequal per capita expenditure, in influencing individual happiness, highlighting implications for targeted policy interventions.

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Introduction.

Studying factors influencing our happiness has been a persistent and important topic of investigation over the years. Happiness holds significant implications for our lives, serving not only as a personal aspiration but also as a societal objective (Petrovič et al. 2021 ; Veenhoven 2012 ). Scholars and policymakers have been paying growing attention to subjective well-being (SWB) measures in recent decades. These measures have been sought as alternative ways to gauge economic and social progress, addressing concerns with traditional welfare indicators (Ahmadiani et al. 2022 ; Deaton and Stone 2013 ; Delhey and Kroll 2013 ). Notably, Oishi and Diener’s ( 2014 ) study revealed that self-reported happiness and life satisfaction could effectively reflect objective societal and economic conditions, quantify individuals’ hardships, and evaluate the effectiveness of specific public policies.

The impact of COVID-19 on SWB presents various perspectives. Firstly, a global decline in SWB is evident across studies, including those in China (Yang and Ma, 2020 ), Germany (Bittmann, 2022a ; Möhring et al. 2021 ), and a multi-country study encompassing China, Japan, South Korea, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States (Nguyen 2021 ). Secondly, the World Happiness Report (WHR) 2021 indicates a non-significant increase in global life evaluation indicators from 2017–2019 to 2020 (Helliwell et al. 2021 ), similarly reflected in Rajkumar’s ( 2023 ) research across 78 countries. Thirdly, French researchers discovered improved self-reported health and well-being during lockdown compared to previous years (Recchi et al. 2020 ). These diverse outcomes underscore the complex link between the pandemic and individuals’ SWB, arising from individual and household differences, contextual factors, and varying COVID-19 severity across regions.

As the world’s fourth most populous nation, Indonesia has confronted profound repercussions from the pandemic, ranking 20th worldwide in total reported COVID-19 cases and 11th in COVID-19-related fatalities (Worldometer 2023 ). Moreover, the variability in COVID-19 exposure across provinces and the distinction between urban and rural areas within Indonesia is noteworthy. Footnote 1 In light of these circumstances, it becomes essential to undertake an exhaustive study of how the pandemic’s severity has uniquely influenced the happiness of Indonesians.

This study aims to empirically examine the factors influencing shifts in happiness levels before and during the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesian society. Given the indications from prior research that the pandemic affects women (Dang and Nguyen 2020 ; Fortier 2020 ; Gausman and Langer 2020 ; Giurge et al. 2021 ) and urban dwellers (López-Ruiz et al. 2021 ; Shams and Kadow 2022 ) disproportionately compared to other their respected counterparts, our investigation will primarily focus on comprehending the distinct contributions of gender and residency to the observed changes in happiness levels. By exploring how being male or female and where people live affect changes in happiness during the pandemic, we can better understand the different experiences and difficulties faced by different population segments. Significantly, this study stands as a pioneering effort to investigate the changes in happiness levels stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic among the broader populace of Indonesia.

This study addresses several limitations of existing literature on changes in happiness during the COVID-19 pandemic. Many of these previous investigations have not effectively addressed the following limitations: concentration on specific population segments (e.g., healthcare workers, students), employment of single-point-in-time data collection, dependence on convenience sampling for participant recruitment, administration of online surveys, limited observation durations, and reliance on participants’ retrospective reports of pre-pandemic circumstances.

We overcome these limitations because we use national-level cross-sectional survey data for two different points in time. First, our survey data covers the period before and during the pandemic, enabling us to examine changes in self-reported happiness levels associated with the pandemic’s impact. Using survey data from over 137,000 respondents provides this study with robust statistical power, enhancing the precision of our analysis of happiness level changes over time. Second, our survey data was collected through face-to-face interviews, employing a rigorous sampling method. This approach ensures a more representative sample distribution, avoiding biases from self-selection in online surveys (Andrade 2020 ).

Third, our study evaluates happiness at multiple time points. This method acts as a temporal anchor, assisting respondents in recalling and distinguishing their experiences more accurately. Given that respondents often generalize or simplify their experiences when recalling over an extended timeframe, evaluating happiness at different times enables a comprehensive capture of fluctuations and variations in individuals’ emotional states. In this study, assessing happiness at two distinct time points, before and during the COVID-19 pandemic, guarantees a more accurate portrayal of an individual’s SWB and alleviates recall bias (Hyman 2013 ; Tadic et al. 2014 ).

This study consists of six sections. In Section 2, we offer a summary of pertinent prior studies, followed by an investigation into the research questions posed in this study. Section 3 explains the methodologies and models used and outlines the data sources. Section 4 examines and analyzes the outcomes from the estimations, while Section 5 discusses the results. Finally, Section 6 summarizes the findings and offers policy recommendations based on the results.

Literature review and research questions

Theoretical background.

The reactivity theory , embraced by social scientists, including economists and sociologists, asserts that SWB, particularly happiness, is influenced by objective external conditions at both the individual and social levels (Lee 2022 ). These objective conditions encompass various factors such as income, age, gender, marital status, occupation, family structure, geographic region, and government policies (Diener 1984 ). According to the reactivity theory, individuals’ perceptions and assessments of their happiness primarily stem from their passive responses to these objective conditions. In simpler terms, individuals tend to react to the circumstances and external factors surrounding them, significantly impacting their SWB. Within the framework of our study, positive events like economic improvements or technological advancements consistently raise happiness levels. In contrast, adverse events such as natural disasters (Calvo et al. 2015 ; Rehdanz et al. 2015 ; Sekulova and van den Bergh 2016 ) or the COVID-19 pandemic tend to decrease happiness.

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on happiness in Indonesia

Before the pandemic, numerous studies in Indonesia explored factors influencing happiness across various scopes. These studies encompassed general population happiness levels (Aryogi and Wulansari 2016 ; Landiyanto et al. 2011 ; Sohn 2013 ; Sujarwoto et al. 2017 ) and specific demographic segments (Anna et al. 2019 on fishermen; Sollis et al. 2023 on native-immigrant). Regional studies (Firmansyah et al. 2017 ; Nandini and Afiatno 2020 ) shed light on context-specific happiness factors. Specific topics like religiosity (Kurniawati and Pierewan 2020 ), height (Sohn 2014 ), decentralization (Sujarwoto and Tampubolon 2015 ), and income inequality (Furwanti et al. 2021 ) were examined, providing valuable insights. Furthermore, Pattinasarany ( 2018 ) conducted a cross-national analysis exploring happiness and life satisfaction determinants in Indonesia, Thailand, Japan, and South Korea.

In both pre-pandemic and pandemic contexts in Indonesia, the World Happiness Report (WHR) and the Happiness Index are commonly used measures of happiness. Footnote 2 However, these two references provide contradictory information regarding the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the happiness levels of individuals in Indonesia. The WHR indicates a decrease in the happiness level of Indonesian people from 5.345 from 2018 to 2020 to 5.240 from 2019 to 2021 (Helliwell et al. 2020 ; 2021 ; 2022 ). In contrast, the Happiness Index shows an increase from 70.69 in 2017 to 71.49 in 2021 (Badan Pusat Statistik 2021a ).

Multiple studies have explored the effects of the pandemic on SWB in Indonesia. Tjahjana et al. ( 2021 ) conducted an online survey a month after the pandemic, indicating that 41% of respondents reported decreased happiness. Rahmanita et al. ( 2021 ) collected data 1–3 months post-pandemic, revealing that 59% of respondents expressed happiness in staying at home. Iskandarsyah et al. ( 2022 ) explored the effects of COVID-19 information and behaviors on anxiety and happiness a month post-outbreak, noting increased information searches linked to higher anxiety but more testing and treatment information tied to less anxiety and greater happiness. Dwidienawati et al. ( 2021 ) found ongoing pandemic adaptation challenges, with no improvement in happiness or life satisfaction reported after a year. Halimatussadiah et al. ( 2021 ) conducted two cross-sectional online surveys in 2020 and 2021, revealing a trend towards heightened happiness. In a separate study, Borualogo and Casas ( 2022 ) collected data during the same period, discovering higher SWB and positive affect among boys during the pandemic and improved satisfaction in friend interactions.

The following are overviews of studies using general population survey data to understand the pandemic’s impact on SWB in Indonesia’s neighboring countries. Tambyah et al. ( 2023 ) found a significant decrease in life satisfaction among Singaporeans, dropping from 4.51 in 2016 to 4.18 in 2022 on a scale of 1–6. The study highlighted health risks and job security as primary concerns during the COVID-19 pandemic. Phulkerd et al. ( 2023 ) reported that Thai adults had an average life satisfaction score of 22.4 during the 2021 COVID-19 epidemic, down from 25.5 before the pandemic in 2019 on a 5–35-point scale.

Research questions

This study investigates four specific research questions (RQs) to elucidate and support the study objectives within the broader context of the Indonesian population. Limited research has explored the impact of COVID-19 severity on self-reported happiness at subnational levels due to a lack of reliable data. However, some exception studies exist (Bittmann 2022a ; Le and Nguyen 2021 ). In Indonesia, the impact of the pandemic varies across provinces and districts, each of which implemented unique policies to curb the spread of the pandemic and cope with its consequences (Arifin et al. 2022 ). This study examines a connection between the severity of COVID-19 and self-reported happiness, anticipating that increased severity will correspond to decreased reported happiness.

RQ1: To what extent does the severity of COVID-19 contribute to a reduction in individuals’ happiness levels?

Global research suggests women typically report higher life evaluations than men (Blanchflower and Bryson 2022 ; Blanchflower and Oswald 2011 ; Fortin et al. 2015 ). However, women worldwide bear a disproportionate burden of socio-economic challenges during crises like natural disasters, economic downturns, and pandemics. Such inequity stems from gender roles and undervaluation of women’s work, leading to increased caregiving responsibilities and exposing women to short-term economic instability and long-term welfare declines (Dinella et al. 2023 ; Fortier 2020 ; Langer et al. 2015 ). This study investigates whether the severity of COVID-19 has narrowed the gap in self-reported happiness between women and men.

RQ2: To what extent does the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic lessen women’s happiness advantage over men?

International evidence indicates that, at low levels of economic development, substantial gaps favor urban over rural areas in income, education, and occupational structure, resulting in higher SWB for urban residents than for rural residents. Such higher life satisfaction holds despite urban challenges like pollution and congestion. However, these economic disparities diminish as development progresses, enabling rural areas to close the gap and even surpass urban life satisfaction (Burger et al. 2020 ; Easterlin et al. 2011 ). In Indonesia, Sohn ( 2013 ) identified a positive association between living in urban areas and happiness. Additionally, Sujarwoto ( 2021 ) observed that individuals residing in rural settings expressed lower life satisfaction than their urban counterparts. Given the COVID-19 pandemic’s disproportionate impact on urban areas compared to rural regions, an intriguing query arises: How did the severity of the pandemic influence the link between urban living and self-reported happiness?

RQ3: To what extent does the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic diminish the happiness advantage of urban residents compared to rural residents?

Incorporating contextual variables in measuring self-reported happiness in a multilevel framework is crucial for more accurate analyses and informed policymaking (Ballas and Tranmer 2012 ; Gómez-Balcácer et al. 2023 ). Analytically, incorporating contextual variables like macroeconomic and socio-economic conditions enhances research depth and accuracy. From a policy standpoint, this approach provides a robust foundation for informed decision-making, resulting in more effective and targeted policies. This study utilizes three provincial-level contextual variables: COVID-19 severity (as discussed in RQ1), poverty incidence, and income inequality.

RQ4: To what extent do provincial macroeconomic conditions, specifically poverty and income inequality, impact individuals’ happiness levels?

These research questions delve into diverse facets of the pandemic’s influence on happiness levels within Indonesian society. They examine consequences such as health risks, economic disruptions, and social isolation (RQ1). Furthermore, they investigate the role of societal norms, gender roles, and structural inequalities in women’s experiences during the pandemic (RQ2) and assess potential challenges in urban areas (RQ3). Finally, the study evaluates the impact of macroeconomic factors, specifically poverty and income disparities, on happiness levels during the pandemic (RQ4).

Materials and methods

Multilevel mixed-effects ordered logistic model.

In this study, we estimate a multilevel mixed-effects ordered logistic model that incorporates nesting while considering the dependent variables’ categorical nature and providing adjusted standard errors that add precision to the coefficients (Rabe-Hesketh and Skrondal 2022 ). By using multilevel models, we can control for individual and province variables, isolating the impact of pandemic severity on self-reported happiness levels (Mehmetoglu and Jakobsen 2017 ; Snijders and Bosker 2012 ). Observations in our study comprise individuals (level 1) nested within provinces (level 2). Our multilevel regressions are computed with random intercepts for each province to account for the fact that provinces are affected differently by the pandemic and that respondents in one province might be more similar than respondents in another. Finally, we used an ordered logistic model due to the ordered nature of the dependent variable.

We postulate a latent variable (y*) representing an individual’s underlying happiness. In this study, we will estimate two models: the ‘main’ (hereafter: Main Model) and the ‘with interaction terms’ (hereafter: Interaction Model) models. The Main Model’s latent variable is associated with individual traits, household attributes, and provincial-level contextual variables. Individual traits encompass gender, age along with its squared term, marital status, highest education level attained, and employment status. Household-level attributes include residence type and household income. Three contextual variables at the provincial level consist of the poverty rate, income inequality, and the count of COVID-19-infected individuals per 100,000 population, reflecting COVID-19 severity. In contrast, the Interaction Model encompasses the Main Model and incorporates additional interaction variables between gender and residence-type covariates with the severity of the pandemic measure. Footnote 3 We assume that individuals residing in provinces hardest hit by the pandemic will experience a more significant decline in happiness than those in the less affected provinces.

The Main Model is specified as follows:

while the Interaction Model is specified as follows:

where: \({y}_{{ij}}^{* }\) is the unobserved happiness for individual i who resides in province j (latent variable); \({x1}_{{ij}}\) is the individual and household characteristics for individual i living in province j; \({x2}_{j}\) is the provincial contextual variables for province j; \({{COVID}}_{j}\) is the COVID-19 pandemic severity measure for province j; \({{x3}_{{ij}}* {COVID}}_{j}\) is the interaction terms of gender and type of residence covariates with COVID-19 severity measure; this study assesses three specifications incorporating interaction terms: one specific to women, another specific to urban settings, and a third encompassing both women and urban factors; \({z}_{{ij}}\) is the covariates corresponding to the random effects; as this model follows a random-intercept model, \({z}_{{ij}}\) is simply the scalar 1; \({u}_{j}\) is the random effects; and \({\epsilon }_{{ij}}\) is the errors, distributed as logistic with mean 0 and variance π 2 /3 and are independent of \({u}_{j}\) .

This model, \({x1}_{{ij}}\) and \({x2}_{j}\) do not contain a constant term because its effect is absorbed into the cutpoints (κ).

Table 1 illustrates the estimation strategies employed in this study, encompassing three distinct approaches presented in 12 specifications. First, the Main Model uses all observations to illustrate the relationship between happiness levels and each covariate. Second, the Interaction Model examines how COVID-19 severity affects the connection between being female, living in urban areas, and happiness levels. The second approach investigates moderation effects. Lastly, the third approach delves into the factors impacting happiness across specific subgroups based on gender, residence type, and region. This granular analysis offers insights into potential differences or similarities in the determinants of happiness among these subgroups, aiming to unravel complex relationships among predictors in understanding SWB across diverse contexts.

Model estimation is performed using the meologit procedure in Stata 17.0 (StataCorp 2021 ). The meologit procedure estimates ordered logistic regression containing both fixed effects (in this study: \({x1}_{{ij}}\) and \({x2}_{j}\) along with their interaction terms) and random effects ( \({u}_{j}\) ).

The Happiness Level Measurement Survey (SPTK)

This study relies on the Happiness Level Measurement Survey (SPTK) from 2017 and 2021, administered by the Central Statistics Agency of Indonesia (Badan Pusat Statistik; BPS) (Badan Pusat Statistik 2017 ; 2021a ). Footnote 4 The 2021 wave of SPTK fieldwork took place from July 1 to August 27, 2021, during Indonesia’s peak of the COVID-19 pandemic. The data relating to COVID-19 exposure, i.e., total positive cases of COVID-19, was taken from KawalCOVID19, who collected data primarily from the Ministry of Health. The macroeconomic data on poverty levels and inequality of per capita expenditures (Gini coefficient) are all sourced from the BPS.

SPTK extends across every province and district in Indonesia, where districts consist of kabupaten (regencies) and kota (municipalities). Within each district, the BPS has established a master sampling frame comprising Census Blocks (BS) for the periodic implementation of various surveys. A BS constitutes a designated enumeration zone within a village locality consisting of 80 to 120 residential, non-residential, or household census buildings with distinct boundaries identifiable in the field. BS selection for SPTK is selected probabilistically from the master sampling frame. Household updating takes place at each selected BS, with the selection of household respondents based on updated listings that are stratified according to factors such as the household head’s education and the household’s structure.

The data collection involves conducting direct interviews with respondents utilizing structured questionnaires and computer-assisted personal interviewing applications. Footnote 5 The unit of analysis is a randomly selected household. In each sampled household, the head of the household or the spouse of the head of the household (wife/husband) is selected as the respondent to represent the household. This study focuses on 137,958 respondents aged 25–80 years who are working or spend most of their time taking care of the household. Footnote 6 Apart from the level of happiness, SPTK contributed data at the individual and household levels.

Level of happiness

The level of happiness is evaluated using the so-called Cantril ladder (Cantril 1965 ; Levin and Currie 2014 ). The SPTK employs a ladder diagram to measure happiness, prompting respondents to visualize themselves on a scale with steps numbered from zero at the bottom to ten at the top. Respondents are asked to evaluate their happiness using the question, “How happy are you with life as a whole?” The answer ranges from 0 (very unhappy) to 10 (very happy).

Figure 1 shows that the distributions of happiness are skewed to the left. Most respondents evaluate their happiness on the eighth rung (34.1 percent in 2017 and 35.6 percent in 2022). The national average was calculated at 7.78 in 2017, while for 2021, it will be slightly lower at 7.76.

Source: Calculated from SPTK.

For a comparative analysis of self-reported happiness in this study with neighboring nations, Pattinasarany ( 2018 ) investigated happiness and life satisfaction in Indonesia, Thailand, Japan, and South Korea to compare self-reported happiness with neighboring nations. The study used collected data to explore lifestyles and values related to social well-being in seven Asian countries, including the Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam. Results revealed similar happiness distribution, with Indonesia and Thailand displaying a left-skewed pattern, indicating majority contentment. Indonesian adults reported slightly higher average happiness (7.68) than their Thai counterparts (7.65). In Japan (6.25) and Korea (5.93), happiness levels exhibited a more normal distribution, with averages not reaching the same highs as observed in Indonesia and Thailand.

Analyzing happiness at the provincial level indicates that Gorontalo and North Maluku reported the highest average levels in 2017 (8.43) and 2021 (8.54), respectively (Fig. 2 ). In contrast, the lowest averages were recorded in East Nusa Tenggara in 2017 (7.32) and Bali in 2021 (7.26). While the national average in 2017 and 2021 remains relatively unchanged, significant differences emerge at the provincial level between the two years. Providing context, half of the 34 provinces saw an increase in their average happiness levels from 2017 to 2021, while the remaining provinces experienced a decline. Central Sulawesi notably showed the most substantial surge, with an increase of 0.347 points, while Bengkulu province witnessed the most significant decrease, dropping by 0.387 points. Recognizing the nested nature of individuals within provinces, the variance in average happiness levels between years at the provincial level becomes a crucial consideration.

In our examination of gender and residence type on changes in SWB during the pandemic, Fig. 3 illustrates average happiness levels categorized by gender and residence type. The left panel reveals that, on average, women reported higher happiness levels than men. However, there was a slight increase in men’s average happiness during the pandemic (+0.03 points), while women experienced a decrease (−0.06 points). In the right panel, it is evident that individuals residing in urban areas typically demonstrated higher average happiness levels than those in rural settings. Interestingly, individuals in rural areas reported higher happiness levels in 2021 compared to 2017 (+0.08 points). In contrast, those living in urban areas displayed the opposite trend, experiencing a decline in happiness levels over the same period (−0.15 points).

Given the limited number of respondents rating their happiness level between zero and five, these five responses were aggregated to achieve a more balanced distribution. Furthermore, data recoding follows the ordered logistic method, requiring each cell to include at least three percent of observations.

Total COVID-19 cases per 100,000 population

In this study, the evaluation of the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic relies on the total population with confirmed exposure to COVID-19. Although daily data has been available since March 2, 2020, the SPTK data lacks specific interview date information. A cut-off point, set on June 30, 2021, was established to determine COVID-19 severity for all survey respondents, conveniently aligning with the day preceding the start of SPTK face-to-face interviews. We used a normalization process to enable meaningful province-to-province comparisons, specifically normalizing the data per 100,000 population.

Figure 4 illustrates the unequal distribution of confirmed COVID-19 cases among provinces. DKI Jakarta records the highest incidence of COVID-19 cases, reaching 5210 per 100,000 population. Conversely, North Sumatera reports the lowest number of cases, only 246 per 100,000 population. These findings underscore the diverse impact and transmission rates of COVID-19 observed across different provinces.

Source: Calculated from KawalCOVID-19.

Concluding the data discussion, Table 2 displays the mean and standard deviation of all variables used in this study, categorized by year.

Estimation results

Table 3 displays happiness level estimates from a multilevel mixed-effects ordered logistic analysis covering the Main and Interaction Models. The Main Model serves as the baseline, while the Interaction Model estimates examine potential changes in gender and type of residence covariates influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic.

We begin by discussing the results of the Null Model, which incorporates no predictors (Table 3 , column [1]). The Intraclass Correlation Coefficient (ICC) for the Null Model is 0.038 (second row from the bottom), indicating that approximately 3.8 percent of the variability in an underlying response is associated with differences between provinces. Footnote 7 Sommet and Morselli ( 2017 ) noted that many authors argue that an ICC below 5 percent, considered insignificant and negligible, leads them to treat the individual as a single unit of analysis, hence opting for a single-level analysis. Nevertheless, we persist with multilevel modeling, recognizing that the minimal ICC (except when zero) does not signify the absence of variation in respondents’ happiness levels between provinces. Moreover, disregarding this variation can lead to inaccurate estimates and potentially result in inappropriate policy decisions. The ICCs for the Main and Interaction Models are modest, ranging between 0.037 and 0.041.

The Likelihood Ratio (LR) test, located in the third row from the bottom, compares the multilevel mixed-effects ordered logistic model with the standard (single-level) ordered logistic model, favoring the former. A p-value of 0.000 for the LR test signifies significant variation in self-reported happiness levels between provinces. The “Variances: Province (constant)” estimates in the fourth row from the bottom indicate the variation in self-reported happiness levels attributed to differences between provinces after accounting for fixed effects and other covariates in the model. This information clarifies how the province-level factor (in our case, poverty rates, Gini coefficient of per capita expenditures, and severity of the pandemic measure) contributes to the overall variability in the outcome. A higher estimated variance suggests a more significant variation in the outcome between provinces.

The severity of the COVID-19 pandemic

The estimation results indicate that individuals in provinces with more COVID-19 cases per 100,000 population tended to assign lower ratings to their happiness (Table 3 , column [2]). Footnote 8 Our findings align with international research. A study across China, Japan, South Korea, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States found that individuals in areas with elevated COVID-19 rates are more likely to report lower happiness levels (Nguyen 2021 ). Similarly, a German study using panel data during the initial COVID-19 wave observed a decline in life satisfaction in regions with higher infection rates (Bittmann 2022a ).

Concerns about the robustness of conclusions drawn from estimations using the entire dataset when examining specific characteristics are typical. Table 4 provides Main Model estimates disaggregated by gender (assessing whether estimation results differ for male or female respondents), type of residence (rural versus urban), and major regions in Indonesia (Sumatera, Java-Bali, and Other regions). Table 5 facilitates a comparison of the three primary correlates: gender (women), residence type (urban), and the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic.

These findings indicate that the detrimental impact of the pandemic’s severity on happiness levels is observable for both men and women, as well as for residents in rural areas and the Java-Bali and Other regions of Indonesia. However, the absence of statistical significance for urban residents may be attributed to the predominant concentration of the COVID-19 pandemic in urban areas of Indonesia. Similarly, the lack of statistical significance for the Sumatera region is associated with the lower pandemic severity observed in that region. Despite variations across different samples, these consistent findings underscore the negative association between the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic and individuals’ happiness levels.

In Indonesia, on average, women reported higher happiness levels than men (Table 3 , column [2]). Upon analyzing a disaggregated sample by residence type, the results indicate that women exhibit higher happiness levels than men in both rural and urban areas (Table 4 , columns [8] and [9]). Moreover, women consistently report higher happiness levels than men across all three regions (Sumatera, Java, and others) (Table 4 , columns [10], [11], and [12]).

A noteworthy observation is the degree to which women in the Java-Bali region experience a smaller happiness advantage over men compared to their counterparts in Sumatera and other regions. One potential explanation is the Java-Bali region’s reputation for embracing a more egalitarian gender culture than other parts of Indonesia, suggesting that gender-based disparities in happiness might be comparatively smaller in the Java-Bali region than in other regions (Hayati et al. 2014 ; Utomo 2012 ). Moreover, the Java-Bali region’s higher level of development compared to other parts of Indonesia contributes to enhanced gender equality across various facets, including well-being and happiness.

The Interaction Model estimates reveal that in 2021, the severity of the pandemic led to a decline in women’s happiness relative to men’s (Table 3 , columns [3] and [5]). These results indicate that the pandemic’s effect diminishes the relative advantage of being female in terms of happiness levels. Our findings align with several studies (Blanchflower and Bryson 2022 ; Nguyen 2021 ), all reporting a decrease in women’s life satisfaction and happiness compared to men during the pandemic.

Type of residence

Individuals residing in urban areas generally experience higher levels of happiness than their rural counterparts (Table 3 , column [2]). Easterlin et al. ( 2011 ) provided a comprehensive explanation for such findings, highlighting that the availability of material goods like food, clothing, and shelter in urban areas contributes to higher happiness. However, they also caution that urban life comes with challenges, including traffic congestion, pollution, and feelings of alienation, which can negatively impact happiness.

The difference in happiness levels between urban and rural residents remains consistent across diverse demographics (Table 4 , columns [6], [7], [10], [11], and [12]). Particularly noteworthy is the narrower happiness gap between urban and rural residents in the Java-Bali region (Table 4 , column [11]), indicating that rural areas in Java-Bali may benefit from enhanced public services and infrastructure compared to other regions. This improved availability of resources in rural Java-Bali contributes to a more equitable distribution of opportunities and resources between urban and rural residents.

Nevertheless, as per the Interaction Model, the pandemic’s severity has weakened the traditional happiness advantage of individuals in urban areas compared to their rural counterparts (Table 2 , columns [4] and [5]). Our observation finds backing in urban Pakistan, where Shams and Kadow (2020) documented a decrease in socio-economic satisfaction amid the pandemic, particularly noticeable among unemployed individuals, married couples, men, and older demographics.

Contextual characteristics

The association between poverty levels and happiness lacked statistical significance, suggesting that the poverty rates in a respondent’s province do not influence their happiness. One possible explanation is the substantial variation in poverty rates among districts within a province. For example, in 2021, East Java Province exhibited a poverty rate of 11.4 percent, yet the rates across its 38 kabupaten / kota ranged from 4.1 to 23.8 percent (Badan Pusat Statistik 2021b ). Nevertheless, a deviation from the typical trend is evident in the Java-Bali region, exposing a negative correlation between higher poverty levels and happiness among respondents (Table 4 , column [11]). This finding aligns with the higher poverty population in the Java-Bali region compared other regions in Indonesia (Badan Pusat Statistik 2021b ).

Muthia and Isbah’s ( 2022 ) study sheds light on the lack of a correlation between poverty and happiness, particularly within the impoverished community of DI Yogyakarta Province, Indonesia. The authors argue that impoverished individuals may not find happiness in their economic situation but discover contentment. This occurrence is ascribed to the prevailing belief system and local culture, heavily influenced by the nerimo attitude, emphasizing the acceptance of one’s circumstances. By adopting this mindset, impoverished individuals improve their psychological well-being, regardless of their difficulties.

Regarding inequality, the estimation results reveal an inverse connection between per capita expenditure inequality at the provincial level and self-reported happiness levels. In another study, Furwanti et al. ( 2021 ) utilized cross-sectional data from all Indonesian provinces and a path analysis model, revealing that income inequality significantly and negatively influences happiness in Indonesia.

The findings of this study align with several international reviews exploring the relationship between inequality and happiness. For instance, a review by Ferrer-i-Carbonell and Ramos ( 2014 ) demonstrates a negative correlation between income inequality and happiness in Western countries. However, the connection in non-Western countries is diverse and less conclusive. In addition, Schroder ( 2018 ) discovered that individuals perceive their SWB as lower when inequality within their own country increases over time, but not when it is higher compared to another country.

Individual characteristics

Following is a concise discussion of individual characteristics that fall outside the scope of the four research questions outlined in this study.

Our model incorporates respondents’ age in quadratic terms, revealing a U-shaped pattern in happiness assessment (Easterlin 2004 ; Blanchflower 2021 ; Bittmann 2022b ; Toshkov 2022 ). Generally, happiness levels decline with age until reaching a certain point, after which they begin to rise. In the Main Model, this turning point is identified at 49. The U-shaped pattern corresponds to the “midlife dip” phenomenon, wherein individuals often undergo a decline in happiness during midlife before it subsequently increases later in life, as discussed by Blanchflower and Graham ( 2020 ). Factors such as heightened responsibilities, financial pressures, and changes in personal and professional circumstances can influence this midlife dip.

Individuals in a marital union tend to experience higher happiness levels than unmarried or divorced individuals. This observation is supported by Frey’s ( 2018 ) comprehensive review, affirming that married individuals generally express higher happiness levels than those living alone or in unmarried partnerships. The author highlights the role of marriage or a stable partnership in mitigating loneliness, thereby assisting in alleviating stress related to work life. Various studies (Addai et al. 2014 ; Tambyah et al. 2023 ; Wu and Zhu 2016 ) have also identified the positive influence of being in a marital relationship.

A positive correlation is evident between education and happiness. This finding indicates that higher educational attainment aligns with higher self-reported happiness levels. As noted by Frey ( 2018 ), individuals with advanced education tend to enhance their abilities and gain increased access to opportunities, resulting in heightened life satisfaction. The association between education and happiness has been thoroughly examined, including within Indonesia (Landiyanto et al. 2011 ; Sujarwoto and Tampubolon 2015 ; Rahayu 2016 ). These investigations consistently affirm a positive association between education and happiness within the Indonesian context.

In general, employed respondents report lower happiness levels, although differences exist between men and women. Among male respondents, those actively engaged in work display higher happiness levels than those who are not. This positive correlation between working and happiness among men corresponds with findings from various international studies (Clark and Oswald 1994 ; Di Tella et al. 2001 ; Winkelmann and Winkelmann 1998 ). Conversely, employed individuals report lower happiness within the female sample than those unemployed. To the extent that the SPTK dataset defines those not employed as spending most of their time taking care of the household, the negative association between employment and happiness among women can be interpreted as women who are employed facing a double burden of responsibilities at work and home (Chen et al. 2018 ).

Individuals reporting higher household earnings exhibit higher happiness levels. However, the ongoing debate on whether income contributes to increased happiness encompasses diverse viewpoints. Some studies advocate for a positive correlation between income and self-reported happiness and, therefore, in line with our findings (Diener and Biswas-Diener 2002 ; Frey and Stutzer 2002 ; Lim et al. 2020 ; Yiengprugsawan et al. 2011 ; Yu et al. 2019 ). Conversely, other studies propose that the impact of income on happiness becomes negligible once a certain income threshold is reached (Kahneman and Deaton 2010 ; Muresan et al. 2020 ).

Discussions

Our analysis reveals a significant decline in self-reported happiness among Indonesians due to the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic, addressing RQ1. The pandemic severity measure has eroded the longstanding happiness advantage for women and urban residents, addressing RQ2 and RQ3. A concerning negative correlation between income inequality and happiness is evident, addressing RQ4. These findings emphasize the urgent need for targeted interventions to mitigate these effects on the Indonesian populace’s well-being.

COVID-19 severity reduces happiness

The decrease in self-reported happiness among Indonesians amid the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic arises from various factors. First, increased vulnerability to COVID-19 elevates health apprehensions and anxiety, giving rise to concerns about the risk of infection for both oneself and loved ones. Consequently, this anxiety diminishes overall well-being (Cleofas and Oducado 2022 ; Demirbas and Kutlu 2021 ; van der Vegt and Kleinberg 2020 ). Second, provinces with higher COVID-19 cases face significant economic disruptions, including business closures, job losses, and reduced economic activity, resulting in financial stress, insecurity, and an overall happiness decline (Cheng et al. 2020 ; Greyling et al. 2021 ; Kuhn et al. 2020 ). Third, residents in heavily affected provinces may encounter challenges such as limited social support networks, reduced opportunities for social engagement, and feelings of loneliness or disconnection, significantly impacting their happiness levels (Lepinteur et al. 2022 ; Nguyen 2021 ). Lastly, the increased prevalence of anxiety, depression, or emotional distress among individuals in provinces with higher COVID-19 exposure further contributes to lower self-reported happiness levels (Iskandarsyah et al. 2022 ).

This study underscores the assessment of the COVID-19 pandemic’s impact on individuals’ happiness, specifically through a severity measure focusing on the number of affected individuals per 100,000 population. This choice differs from using time dummy variables, assigning 1 for 2021 survey data (during the pandemic) and 0 for 2017 survey data (pre-pandemic). The severity measure directly reflects the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the population, offering a tangible and quantifiable indicator of its scale within a region. This approach is especially appropriate given the considerable variation in pandemic severity across provinces in Indonesia. Nevertheless, we recognize that relying solely on the severity measure may oversimplify the complex dynamics of the pandemic’s impact. Furthermore, Bittmann, ( 2022a ) explores the functional relationship between the severity measure and self-reported happiness, considering alternatives such as linearity (as employed in this paper), quadratic, and others. This exploration opens up possibilities for future studies.

COVID-19 severity moderates gender-residence type association with happiness

The negative and statistically significant interaction terms between COVID-19 severity and gender (being female) indicate that the pandemic’s severity affects the relationship between gender and self-reported happiness. In periods of intensified pandemic severity, the conventional gender gap in happiness, where women usually report higher levels, is disturbed. The negative moderation implies that the pandemic has a more detrimental impact on women’s happiness levels than men.

Research conducted by Alon et al. ( 2020 ), Blanchflower and Bryson ( 2022 ), and Hansen et al. ( 2022 ) underscore that the decline in happiness levels among women can be attributed to heightened caregiving responsibilities, especially as primary caregivers for children. Transitioning to remote learning for children has introduced additional challenges and demands for women. Additionally, as frontline workers, women face elevated stress levels in their roles and are vulnerable to potential job layoffs and disruptions in their participation in the labor market. Conversely, a study by Choi et al. ( 2021 ) concluded that even before the onset of COVID-19, Korean women demonstrated lower levels of SWB compared to men. Therefore, the well-being disparities observed among Korean women are more likely rooted in pre-pandemic variations rather than directly caused by the effects of the pandemic.

Similarly, the adverse and statistically significant interaction terms between COVID-19 severity and residence type (urban) indicate that the severity of the pandemic influences the connection between living in urban areas and self-reported happiness. During periods of heightened pandemic severity, the typical gap in happiness based on residence type, where individuals in urban areas usually report higher levels, ceased to hold. This adverse moderation implies that the pandemic has a more harmful effect on the happiness levels of individuals in urban residences than those in rural areas.

Mayuzumi’s ( 2022 ) research provides valuable insights into the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the happiness of urban and rural communities in Bali, Indonesia. The results indicate that individuals in subsistence farming villages, heavily dependent on agriculture, witnessed minimal changes in their livelihoods, suggesting little impact from the pandemic. In contrast, urban residents, primarily reliant on tourism, experienced significant job losses and food accessibility challenges due to government curfews and economic stagnation. On the contrary, Nguyen ( 2021 ) introduces an alternative perspective by proposing that the pandemic has a more noticeable impact on the unhappiness levels of individuals residing in rural areas than those living in urban settings.

Inequality is a catalyst for diminishing happiness

Examining contextual characteristics unveils that, excluding the Java-Bali region, provincial poverty levels have negligible effects on happiness levels. Nonetheless, there is a discernible negative correlation between inequality in per capita expenditure and happiness.

An important observation from the analysis using region-specific breakdowns is the unexpected positive association between the Gini coefficient and happiness in the Sumatera region. The uniqueness of this result in Sumatera may be ascribed to distinct factors inherent to the region, such as particular social structures, values, or expectations. These regional peculiarities in Sumatra could influence individuals’ perspectives on happiness differently than in other locales. A more thorough investigation into the specific factors contributing to these anomalies across regions is necessary to grasp the patterns observed fully.

Study limitations

The research employed a single-question methodology using a 0–10 point Likert scale to assess individual happiness. Although this approach offers a valuable metric, we acknowledged that happiness is a complex concept with multiple dimensions that a single question may need to be more comprehensive. Consequently, the study recognizes the importance of incorporating additional aspects and nuances to understand better individuals’ well-being, including factors like self-evaluated life satisfaction, positive affect, and negative affect.

Moreover, it is essential to consider two significant data constraints when interpreting the findings. First, the SPTK datasets utilized in the study lack precise location information, restricting the analysis to the provincial level and hindering a more detailed examination of the impact of COVID-19 on specific regions or communities within a province. For instance, while information on the poverty rate is accessible at the district level, the unavailability of district codes necessitates using provincial poverty rates.

Second, the datasets do not incorporate information about the interview dates for respondents, which would have facilitated a more precise correlation with the daily severity rate of COVID-19 at the provincial level. Access to interview date information could have offered valuable insights into the temporal relationship between individuals’ experiences and the evolving severity of the pandemic in their respective provinces.

The global repercussions of COVID-19 on individuals’ lives and well-being are profound. In Indonesia, there is a pressing need for more research on the correlation between happiness and pandemic severity across the population. This study addresses this gap by examining the factors influencing happiness levels before and during the pandemic, specifically focusing on gender and residence type. By posing and answering four research questions (RQs), the study provides valuable insights into the intricate dynamics of happiness during the pandemic in Indonesia.

This study employed data from the 2017 and 2021 Happiness Level Measurement Survey (SPTK) to represent pre-pandemic and during-pandemic conditions, respectively. The data analysis involved using a multilevel mixed-effects ordered logistic model, with individuals nested within provinces as the analytical framework. The severity of the pandemic was proxied using the incidence of positive COVID-19 cases per 100,000 residents.

Our analysis underscores a statistically significant decline in self-reported happiness levels among Indonesians attributable to the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic, directly addressing RQ1. Notably, this severity measure has diminished the longstanding happiness advantage previously experienced by women and urban residents, aligning with the inquiries of RQ2 and RQ3. Additionally, our study highlights a negative correlation between income inequality and happiness, illuminating the intricate interplay of socioeconomic dynamics influencing individual well-being as per RQ4. The robust support for our research questions highlights the multifaceted impact of the pandemic on happiness levels in Indonesia.

Immediate policy interventions are required to tackle these findings, encompassing targeted mental health support to aid individuals in overcoming the challenges of lockdown restrictions and the loss of loved ones; economic assistance to support families facing sudden job loss and economic downturn; reinforced public health initiatives to curb the spread of the virus and mitigate the health impact of the pandemic; educational campaigns to inform the public about necessary health protocols; and community-based social support programs to lighten the overall burden faced by communities in dealing with the pandemic. These measures aim to alleviate the negative impact of the pandemic and socioeconomic disparities on the happiness and overall welfare of the Indonesian population.

In light of the adverse effects of COVID-19 on the happiness of women and urban residents, it is important to implement proactive government programs and policies. To address women’s heightened responsibilities, especially in home-based teaching, effective communication, and support between teachers and students, such as regular home visits, are essential. Providing physical visits and care for vulnerable populations, including the elderly, chronically ill, and disabled individuals, can help alleviate some of the burdens on women. Additionally, supporting urban residents involves reinforcing community associations, particularly within neighborhood and religious networks, through collaborative efforts between the Central Government and local administrations.

The future research agenda aims to enhance the comprehensiveness of this study by incorporating field visits that include in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. Validating the findings, gaining deeper insights into individual experiences amidst the challenges posed by COVID-19, and investigating the impact of government assistance are deemed crucial. Complementing the measurement of SWB by incorporating self-evaluated life satisfaction, positive affect, and negative affect will improve our knowledge of the well-being of Indonesians. Furthermore, expanding the study by incorporating subsequent SPTK data will allow for assessing happiness before, during, and after the pandemic.

Data availability

The primary datasets analyzed in this study, the Happiness Level Measurement Survey (SPTK) 2017 and 2021, are not accessible to the public. The author is contractually prohibited from granting access to the SPTK data, as specified in the agreement with the Badan Pusat Statistik (BPS). However, the datasets are available for purchase through the BPS ( https://www.bps.go.id/ ).

The BPS defines an urban area by its primary non-agricultural activities, a functional layout that accommodates urban settlements, and the concentration and distribution of government services, social services, and economic activities. In contrast, rural areas primarily involve agricultural activities, including managing natural resources, and have a functional arrangement that supports rural settlements, government services, social services, and economic activities. In 2022, the urban areas of Indonesia were home to 56.4 percent of the population, while 43.6 percent lived in rural areas.

The WHR, an annual report comparing happiness levels across countries, relies on three well-being indicators: life evaluation, positive affect, and negative affect (Helliwell et al. 2020 ). The Happiness Index, developed by the Central Statistics Agency of Indonesia (Badan Pusat Statistik; BPS), incorporates nineteen indicators that assess dimensions such as life satisfaction, affection, and the meaning of life ( eudaimonia ) (Badan Pusat Statistik 2021a ). It is important to acknowledge that these two measures evaluate distinct aspects. Hence, direct comparison between them is inappropriate, given their representation of separate entities.

These interaction terms capture the moderating effect of the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic on the relationships of interest.

The SPTK is cross-sectional and was conducted in 2012, 2013, 2014, 2017, and 2021. The SPTK has undergone conceptual and methodological improvements (Badan Pusat Statistik 2021a ). For comparability purposes, we will use the last two batches. We need to emphasize that the 2021 SPTK does not aim to study the pandemic’s effect on the happiness level.

Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, the 2021 SPTK data collection encountered many hurdles (Badan Pusat Statistik 2021a ). Originally scheduled for July 1–31, 2021, the fieldwork encountered setbacks due to local lockdowns and the emergence of the Delta variant. Consequently, the 2021 SPTK initiatives necessitated a two-phase extension, extending field activities to two months. Field enumerators grappled with significant challenges, especially in conducting face-to-face surveys amidst stringent health protocols. Setbacks were further compounded as certain respondents refrained from participation due to concerns about infection and the extent to which the virus infected some enumerators. Additionally, due to lockdown restrictions, some survey locations had to be substituted following a month-long delay.

This study includes 67,450 participants from the SPTK 2017 dataset and 70,508 from the SPTK 2021 dataset.

The ICC (Intra-Class Correlation) scale spans from 0 to 1. An ICC value of 0 signifies complete independence of residuals, indicating that the assessment of happiness by individuals does not differ across provinces. Conversely, an ICC value of 1 indicates perfect interdependence of residuals, suggesting that variations in individual happiness levels occur exclusively between provinces.

We also conducted a comparable analysis using the overall count of COVID-19-related deaths to indicate the pandemic’s severity. The results reflected similar patterns: Individuals residing in provinces with higher COVID-19 death tolls generally reported lower levels of happiness. Nevertheless, we opted to omit these findings from our report due to the intricacies associated with attributing a death specifically to COVID-19. Determining the precise cause of death poses challenges, as some individuals might have succumbed to the disease while others had concurrent comorbidities. Consequently, this indicator may be susceptible to inaccuracies, making it a relatively less reliable measure (Bittmann 2022a ).

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This study was supported by Grant No. NKB-1211/UN2.RST/HKP.05.00/2022 from the Publikasi Terindeks Internasional (PUTI) Q1, Directorate of Research and Development (Risbang), Universitas Indonesia. The author is grateful for the constructive inputs and discussions throughout the preparation of this study from Professor Masayuki Kanai from the School of Human Sciences, Senshu University, and Professor Iwan Gardono Sudjatmiko from the Department of Sociology, Universitas Indonesia. In addition, Peter Morley from the Australian Volunteers Indonesia assisted in shaping the report and editorial services.

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Pattinasarany, I.R.I. Happiness amidst the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia: exploring gender, residence type, and pandemic severity. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 11 , 609 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-03131-0

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COVID-19’s Impact on Eating Disorders Research Paper

Introduction, ed rate increase, lack of healthcare access, family support, lifestyle disruptions, lack of peer interactions, recommendations.

The prevalence of eating disorders worldwide, as well as the negative physical and emotional outcomes correlating with conditions such as anorexia and bulimia, exemplifies a major challenge that affects numerous individuals. Eating disorders (EDs) can also be exacerbated as a result of the external environment. Currently, such disruptions are often correlating with parental conflicts, peer pressure, and school problems. Nonetheless, the recent experience with COVID-19 and subsequent changes have highlighted how state and country-level regulations, as well as health risks, can affect people with eating disorders. It is essential to consider the restrictions that have impacted individuals, such as isolation measures, the closing of schools and businesses, and the lack of opportunities for interactions. It has negatively impacted a variety of individuals but had a particularly negative effect on people with the aforementioned conditions. In this paper, the correlation between COVID-19 and EDs will be assessed through the exemplification of increases in cases, lack of healthcare access, lifestyle disruptions, and a lack of peer interactions.

As mentioned previously, external factors do, indeed, correlate with risk maximization or reduction in the rate of eating disorders. A similar effect was observed during the COVID-19 pandemic. Namely, researchers mention an increase of more than 15% in ED cases (Zipfel et al., 2022). The challenge was primarily observed in adolescent girls with anorexia nervosa. Several potential triggers can be highlighted concerning the phenomenon. On the one hand, the government restrictions, which have led to a remote education process, may have maximized the focus on nutrition. Thus, without potential distractions, people who were already suffering from Eds and were in remission or have had mind symptoms without fully experiencing the conditions were more triggered by the change in their external environment. The fact that individuals with anorexia nervosa were most effective highlights the severity of the pattern in ED rate increase during COVID-19. Namely, anorexia is the condition most frequently referred to as a disorder linked to a high mortality rate, namely due to health problems, which are especially common among anorexia patients who purge (Mehler et al., 2022). As a result, it can be highlighted that COVID-19 negatively affected individuals with eating disorders and has facilitated an increase in negative health outcomes, especially when it comes to patients with anorexia.

The COVID-19 pandemic has caused major disruptions in many areas of life. Namely, schools have switched to a remote system, and multiple non-essential businesses have closed. Nonetheless, it is essential to acknowledge the burden the lockdown has had on the healthcare sector as a whole. The medical establishment was under major pressure to combat the negative consequences of the pandemic, which means that conditions other than COVID-19 have become less of a concern. However, the phenomenon has adversely impacted individuals with eating disorders who were unable to access the services and treatment they required to manage their conditions. Researchers highlight that while ED patients were more likely to access support from family members and partners, relationships with their nutritionists, therapists, and other medical personnel directly associated with their recovery were minimized (Haghshomar et al., 2022). This may correlate with the focus on telemedicine and the negative correlations that followed. As eating disorders are often perceived as shameful by those who have them, sharing experiences and symptoms and seeking advice via phone communication were perceived as less effective and ethical. As a result, people were less likely to address their disorders and more likely to suffer from the negative consequences of being isolated and not having the resources to combat their symptoms.

While correlating with negative aspects, stay-at-home orders also had a positive influence in certain regards. Namely, as mentioned previously, individuals with ED were more likely to receive support from their family members and partners, especially because they were enclosed in the same area for a long time (Haghshomar et al., 2022). For example, parents who would otherwise be at work had the opportunity to monitor their children’s food intake and ensure they were not showing signs of binging or restricting. A similar effect has happened concerning monitoring the progress of recovery. Individuals with ED were able to receive assistance from loved ones through moral support and encouragement to continue their healthy journey and avoid potential relapses.

Lifestyle disruptions occurred for most people during the COVID-19 stay-at-home order. Namely, as businesses and schools closed, people were operating remotely both in terms of their jobs and education. This majorly affected individuals with eating disorders as their lifestyles changed drastically without time to adapt to the alterations. For example, researchers mention that limited physical activities worsened self-perception (Miniati et al., 2021). Namely, the fact that gyms were closed resulted in disturbances in how people viewed themselves, which was especially critical for people with EDs. Since body dysmorphia is often a condition that aligns with eating disorders, the lack of opportunities to exercise adversely affects it. The same argument can be associated with the closing of restaurants and limited food access. Individuals with ED were not able to have the same lifestyle in regards to their preferred places where they eat, which is why worsening of the disorders may have occurred. Lifestyle disruptions, despite the direct effects such as limited food options and a lack of physical exercise opportunities, indirectly impacted people with eating disorders (Gao et al., 2022). Psychological well-being is minimized when an individual is put under stressful circumstances outside of one’s comfort zone

Based on the aforementioned phenomena, such as the closing of schools and businesses, social interactions were minimized. This affected individuals with eating disorders in two ways. On the one hand, adolescents with EDs specifically lost the factor of peer-to-peer comparison that may have triggered their eating disorder (Feinmann, 2021). These factors may also be associated with a positive implication as the lack of need for comparison could positively affect self-perception. However, on the other hand, people were more likely to emerge in social media due to the lack of in-person communication. As a result, unrealistic portrayals could generate more adverse outcomes for individuals with a distorted self-perception. Lack of peer interaction also had contrasting outcomes regarding its impact. On the one hand, individuals were more likely to avoid potential negative comments concerning their appearance, which often triggers EDs. However, another effect is the lack of additional support in case friends, classmates, and peers were supporting with one’s recovery.

The current literature, as highlighted previously, recognizes that the positive aspects of the COVID-19 lockdown impact on individuals with ED include maximization of family support and a lack of peer-to-peer comparison. On the other hand, lifestyle disruptions, lack of regular access to food, social media influence, and inability to access healthcare services have been highlighted as negative. Thus, the aspects are to be considered concerning potential recommendations. As mentioned previously, people with eating disorders were unable to access the healthcare resources they used to (Haghshomar et al., 2022). Thus, addressing the issue through the establishment of more accessible online platforms for patients to communicate with physicians concerning their eating disorders can address the barrier. Another aspect was the increased time people spent on social media, which can be addressed through monitoring. This intervention can be applied to parents and their approach to how minors are influenced by unrealistic body standards that trigger body dysmorphia and eating disorders. Such recommendations can be applied in case other health crises occur and lead to government restrictions.

COVID-19 and the stay-at-home order had a major impact on most people, but it is especially important to recognize its effects on individuals with eating disorders. Current literature highlights the major barriers correlating with disruptions in lifestyles, limited access to food, lack of peer support, limited health service provision, and increased use of social media. On the other hand, a lack of negative peer-to-peer comparisons as well as family support was mentioned as a positive aspect. For the care for ED patients to be maximized, it is vital to address the aforementioned challenges through monitoring of social media use as well as the establishment of more effective telemedicine measures. As a result, people who have eating disorders would be more likely to reach and maintain recovery from their conditions.

Feinmann, J. (2021). Eating disorders during the COVID-19 pandemic . BMJ . Web.

Gao, Y., Bagheri, N., & Furuya-Kanamori, L. (2022). Has the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown worsened eating disorder symptoms among patients with eating disorders? A systematic review . Journal of Public Health , 30 (11), 2743–2752. Web.

Haghshomar, M., Shobeiri, P., Brand, S., Rossell, S. L., Akhavan Malayeri, A., & Rezaei, N. (2022). Changes of symptoms of eating disorders (ed) and their related psychological health issues during the COVID-19 pandemic: A systematic review and meta-analysis . Journal of Eating Disorders , 10 (1). Web.

Mehler, P. S., Watters, A., Joiner, T., & Krantz, M. J. (2022). What accounts for the high mortality of anorexia nervosa? International Journal of Eating Disorders , 55 (5), 633–636. Web.

Miniati, M., Marzetti, F., Palagini, L., Marazziti, D., Orrù, G., Conversano, C., & Gemignani, A. (2021). Eating disorders spectrum during the COVID pandemic: A systematic review . Frontiers in Psychology , 12 . Web.

Zipfel, S., Schmidt, U., & Giel, K. E. (2022). The hidden burden of eating disorders during the COVID-19 pandemic . The Lancet Psychiatry , 9 (1), 9–11. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2024, May 18). COVID-19's Impact on Eating Disorders. https://ivypanda.com/essays/covid-19s-impact-on-eating-disorders/

"COVID-19's Impact on Eating Disorders." IvyPanda , 18 May 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/covid-19s-impact-on-eating-disorders/.

IvyPanda . (2024) 'COVID-19's Impact on Eating Disorders'. 18 May.

IvyPanda . 2024. "COVID-19's Impact on Eating Disorders." May 18, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/covid-19s-impact-on-eating-disorders/.

1. IvyPanda . "COVID-19's Impact on Eating Disorders." May 18, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/covid-19s-impact-on-eating-disorders/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "COVID-19's Impact on Eating Disorders." May 18, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/covid-19s-impact-on-eating-disorders/.

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