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  • Fact sheets /
  • Six out of 10 unintended pregnancies end in induced abortion.
  • Abortion is a common health intervention. It is very safe when carried out using a method recommended by WHO, appropriate to the pregnancy duration and by someone with the necessary skills.
  • However, around 45% of abortions are unsafe.
  • Unsafe abortion is an important preventable cause of maternal deaths and morbidities. It can lead to physical and mental health complications and social and financial burdens for women, communities and health systems.
  • Lack of access to safe, timely, affordable and respectful abortion care is a critical public health and human rights issue.

Around 73 million induced abortions take place worldwide each year. Six out of 10 (61%) of all unintended pregnancies, and 3 out of 10 (29%) of all pregnancies, end in induced abortion (1) .

Comprehensive abortion care is included in the list of essential health care services published by WHO in 2020. Abortion is a simple health care intervention that can be safely and effectively managed by a wide range of health workers using medication or a surgical procedure. In the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, a medical abortion can also be safely self-managed by the pregnant person outside of a health care facility (e.g. at home), in whole or in part. This requires that the woman has access to accurate information, quality medicines and support from a trained health worker (if she needs or wants it during the process).

Comprehensive abortion care includes the provision of information, abortion management and post-abortion care. It encompasses care related to miscarriage (spontaneous abortion and missed abortion), induced abortion (the deliberate interruption of an ongoing pregnancy by medical or surgical means), incomplete abortion as well as intrauterine fetal demise.

The information in this fact sheet focuses on care related to induced abortion.

Scope of the problem

When carried out using a method recommended by WHO appropriate to the pregnancy duration, and by someone with the necessary skills, abortion is a safe health care intervention (5).

However, when people with unintended pregnancies face barriers to attaining safe, timely, affordable, geographically reachable, respectful and non-discriminatory abortion care, they often resort to unsafe abortion. 1

Global estimates from 2010–2014 demonstrate that 45% of all induced abortions are unsafe. Of all unsafe abortions, one third were performed under the least safe conditions, i.e. by untrained persons using dangerous and invasive methods.  More than half of all these unsafe abortions occurred in Asia, most of them in south and central Asia. In Latin American and Africa, the majority (approximately 3 out of 4) of all abortions were unsafe. In Africa, nearly half of all abortions occurred under the least safe circumstances (3) .

Consequences of inaccessible quality abortion care

Lack of access to safe, affordable, timely and respectful abortion care, and the stigma associated with abortion, pose risks to women’s physical and mental well-being throughout the life-course.

Inaccessibility of quality abortion care risks violating a range of human rights of women and girls, including the right to life; the right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health; the right to benefit from scientific progress and its realization; the right to decide freely and responsibly on the number, spacing and timing of children; and the right to be free from torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment and punishment.

One review from 2003–12, found that 4.7-13% of maternal deaths were linked to abortive pregnancy outcomes (4) but noted that maternal deaths due to abortion, and more specifically unsafe abortion, are often misclassified and underreported given the stigma. 

Deaths from safe abortion are negligible, <1/100 000 (5). On the other hand, in regions where unsafe abortions are common, the death rates are high, at > 200/100 000 abortions. Estimates from 2012 indicate that in developing countries alone, 7 million women per year were treated in hospital facilities for complications of unsafe abortion (6) .

Physical health risks associated with unsafe abortion include:

  • incomplete abortion (failure to remove or expel all pregnancy tissue from the uterus);
  • haemorrhage (heavy bleeding);
  • uterine perforation (caused when the uterus is pierced by a sharp object); and
  • damage to the genital tract and internal organs as a consequence of inserting dangerous objects into the vagina or anus.

Restrictive abortion regulation can cause distress and stigma, and risk constituting a violation of human rights of women and girls, including the right to privacy and the right to non-discrimination and equality, while also imposing financial burdens on women and girls. Regulations that force women to travel to attain legal care, or require mandatory counselling or waiting periods, lead to loss of income and other financial costs, and can make abortion inaccessible to women with low resources (6,8) .

Estimates from 2006 show that complications of unsafe abortions cost health systems in developing countries US$ 553 million per year for post-abortion treatments. In addition, households experienced US$ 922 million in loss of income due to long-term disability related to unsafe abortion (10) . Countries and health systems could make substantial monetary savings by providing greater access to modern contraception and quality induced abortion (8,9) .

Expanding quality abortion care

Evidence shows that restricting access to abortions does not reduce the number of abortions (1) ; however, it does affect whether the abortions that women and girls attain are safe and dignified. The proportion of unsafe abortions are significantly higher in countries with highly restrictive abortion laws than in countries with less restrictive laws (2) .

Barriers to accessing safe and respectful abortion include high costs, stigma for those seeking abortions and health care workers, and the refusal of health workers to provide an abortion based on personal conscience or religious belief. Access is further impeded by restrictive laws and requirements that are not medically justified, including criminalization of abortion, mandatory waiting periods, provision of biased information or counselling, third-party authorization and restrictions regarding the type of health care providers or facilities that can provide abortion services.

Multiple actions are needed at the legal, health system and community levels so that everyone who needs abortion care has access to it. The three cornerstones of an enabling environment for quality comprehensive abortion care are:

  • respect for human rights, including a supportive framework of law and policy;
  • the availability and accessibility of information; and
  • a supportive, universally accessible, affordable and well functioning health system.

A well-functioning health system implies many factors, including:

  • evidence-based policies;
  • universal health coverage;
  • the reliable supply of quality, affordable medical products and equipment;
  • that an adequate number of health workers, of different types, provide abortion care at a reachable distance to patients; 
  • the delivery of abortion care through a variety of approaches, e.g. care in health facilities, digital interventions and self-care approaches, allowing for choices depending on the values and preferences of the pregnant person, available resources, and the national and local context;
  • that health workers are trained to provide safe and respectful abortion care, to support informed decision-making and to interpret laws and policies regulating abortion;
  • that health workers are supported and protected from stigma; and
  • provision of contraception to prevent unintended pregnancies.

Availability and accessibility of information implies:

  • provision of evidence-based comprehensive sexuality education; and
  • accurate, non-biased and evidence-based information on abortion and contraceptive methods.

WHO response

WHO provides global technical and policy guidance on the use of contraception to prevent unintended pregnancy, provision of information on abortion care, abortion management (including miscarriage, induced abortion, incomplete abortion and fetal death) and post-abortion care. In 2022, WHO published an updated, consolidated guideline on abortion care, including all WHO recommendations and best practice statements across three domains essential to the provision of abortion care: law and policy, clinical services and service delivery. 

WHO also maintains the Global Abortion Policies Database . This interactive online database contains comprehensive information on the abortion laws, policies, health standards and guidelines for all countries. 

Upon request, WHO provides technical support to countries to adapt sexual and reproductive health guidelines to specific contexts and strengthen national policies and programmes related to contraception and safe abortion care. A quality abortion care monitoring and evaluation framework is also in development.

WHO is a cosponsor of the HRP (UNDP/UNFPA/UNICEF/WHO/World Bank Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction) , which carries out research on clinical care, abortion regulation, abortion stigma, as well as implementation research on community and health systems approaches to quality abortion care. It also monitors the global burden of unsafe abortion and its consequences.

1 An “unsafe abortion” is defined as a procedure for terminating a pregnancy performed by persons lacking the necessary information or skills or in an environment not in conformity with minimal medical standards, or both. The persons, skills and medical standards considered safe in the provision of abortion are different for medical and surgical abortion and by pregnancy duration. In using this definition, what is considered ‘safe’ or unsafe needs to be interpreted in line with the most current WHO technical and policy guidance (2).

(1) Bearak J, Popinchalk A, Ganatra B, Moller A-B, Tunçalp Ö, Beavin C et al. Unintended pregnancy and abortion by income, region, and the legal status of abortion: estimates from a comprehensive model for 1990–2019. Lancet Glob Health. 2020 Sep; 8(9):e1152-e1161. doi: 10.1016/S2214-109X(20)30315-6. 

(2) Ganatra B, Tunçalp Ö, Johnston H, Johnson BR, Gülmezoglu A, Temmerman M. From concept to measurement: Operationalizing WHO's definition of unsafe abortion. Bull World Health Organ 2014;92:155; 10.2471/BLT.14.136333.

(3) Ganatra B, Gerdts C, Rossier C, Johnson Jr B R, Tuncalp Ö, Assifi A et al. Global, regional, and subregional classification of abortions by safety, 2010–14: estimates from a Bayesian hierarchical model. The Lancet. 2017 Sep.

(4) Say L, Chou D, Gemmill A, Tunçalp Ö, Moller AB, Daniels J et al. Global causes of maternal death: a WHO systematic analysis. Lancet Glob Health. 2014 Jun; 2(6):e323-33.

(5) Raymond EG, Grimes DA. The comparative safety of legal induced abortion and childbirth in the United States. Obstet Gynecol. 2012 Feb;119(2 Pt 1):215-9. doi: 10.1097/AOG.0b013e31823fe923. PMID: 22270271.

(6) Singh S, Maddow-Zimet I. Facility-based treatment for medical complications resulting from unsafe pregnancy termination in the developing world, 2012: a review of evidence from 26 countries. BJOG 2015; published online Aug 19. DOI:10.1111/1471-0528.13552.

(7) Coast E, Lattof SR, Meulen Rodgers YV, Moore B, Poss C. The microeconomics of abortion: A scoping review and analysis of the economic consequences for abortion care-seekers. PLoS One. 2021 Jun 9;16(6):e0252005. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0252005. PMID: 34106927; PMCID: PMC8189560.

(8) Lattof SR, Coast E, Rodgers YVM, Moore B, Poss C. The mesoeconomics of abortion: A scoping review and analysis of the economic effects of abortion on health systems. PLoS One. 2020 Nov 4;15(11):e0237227. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0237227. PMID: 33147223; PMCID: PMC7641432.

(9) Rodgers YVM, Coast E, Lattof SR, Poss C, Moore B. The macroeconomics of abortion: A scoping review and analysis of the costs and outcomes. PLoS One. 2021 May 6;16(5):e0250692. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0250692. PMID: 33956826; PMCID: PMC8101771.

(10). Vlassoff et al. Economic impact of unsafe abortion-related morbidity and mortality: evidence and estimation challenges. Brighton, Institute of Development Studies, 2008 (IDS Research Reports 59).

  • Abortion care guideline
  • Classification of abortions by safety: article in The Lancet
  • Quality of care
  • Maintaining essential health services during the COVID-19 outbreak
  • Sexual and reproductive health and research including the Special Programme HRP

Global Abortion Policies Database

Related health topic

American Psychological Association Logo

The facts about abortion and mental health

Scientific research from around the world shows having an abortion is not linked to mental health issues but restricting access is 

Vol. 53 No. 6 Print version: page 40

woman holding sign stating abortion is health care

More than 50 years of international psychological research shows that having an abortion is not linked to mental health problems, but restricting access to safe, legal abortions does cause harm. Research shows people who are denied abortions have worse physical and mental health, as well as worse economic outcomes than those who seek and receive them.

Meanwhile, the same research shows getting a wanted abortion does not cause significant psychological problems, despite beliefs to the contrary. In a landmark study of more than 1,000 women across 21 states, those who were allowed to obtain an abortion were no more likely to report negative emotions, mental health symptoms, or suicidal thoughts than women who were denied an abortion.

[ Related: Frequently asked questions about abortion laws and psychology practice ]

Large longitudinal and international studies have found that obtaining a wanted abortion does not increase risk for depression, anxiety, or suicidal thoughts ( The mental health impact of receiving vs. being denied an abortion , Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health , 2018).

“It’s important for folks to know that abortion does not cause mental health problems,” said Debra Mollen, PhD, a professor of counseling psychology at Texas Woman’s University, who studies abortion and reproductive rights. “What’s harmful are the stigma surrounding abortion, the lack of knowledge about it, and the lack of access.”

Misconceptions about abortion are also linked to lower support for it—and people deserve to have accurate information so they can make informed decisions, Mollen said (Weibe, E. R., et al., Gynecology & Obstetrics , Vol. 5, No. 9, 2015 ).

How abortion impacts mental health

The Turnaway Study , a landmark analysis of abortion from Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health (ANSIRH) at the University of California, San Francisco, served to debunk the belief that people who get abortions experience deep regret, grief, or even posttraumatic stress disorder. Instead, the most commonly felt emotion is relief (Rocca, C. H., et al., Social Science & Medicine , Vol. 248, 2020 ).

In the study, researchers followed nearly 1,000 women across 21 states for five years to examine the similarities and differences between those who wanted and received an abortion versus those who wanted but were denied an abortion. Five years after the procedure, women who had an abortion were no more likely to report negative emotions or suicidal thoughts than women who were denied an abortion, and more than 97% of those studied said that having the abortion was the right decision (Rocca, C. H., et al., Social Science & Medicine , Vol. 248, 2020 ).

In a review of the scientific literature on abortion published 10 years earlier, an APA task force reached a similar conclusion, especially in the case of unplanned pregnancy. The task force reported that women who had an abortion in the first trimester did not face a higher risk of mental health problems than women who continued with an unplanned pregnancy ( Report of the APA Task Force on Mental Health and Abortion , 2008).

“In fact, the best predictor of a woman’s mental health after an abortion is her mental health before the abortion,” said Nancy Felipe Russo, PhD, an emeritus professor of psychology and women’s studies at Arizona State University who has spearheaded research on unwanted pregnancy, mental health, and abortion.

Another group of women—those who planned and wanted a pregnancy but terminated it during the second or third trimester because of a life-threatening birth defect—faced some psychological problems after the procedure. But those were comparable to mental health problems among women who miscarried or lost a newborn baby, and less severe than the distress among women who delivered babies with severe birth defects.

“The bottom line is that abortion in and of itself does not cause mental health issues,” said M. Antonia Biggs, PhD, a psychologist and researcher at ANSIRH and one of the leaders of the Turnaway Study.

When abortions are denied

The women in the Turnaway Study who were denied an abortion reported more anxiety symptoms and stress, lower self-esteem, and lower life satisfaction than those who received one ( JAMA Psychiatry , Vol. 74, No. 2, 2017 ). Women who proceeded with an unwanted pregnancy also subsequently had more physical health problems, including two who died from childbirth complications (Ralph, L. J., et al., Annals of Internal Medicine , Vol. 171, No. 4, 2019 ).

They faced more economic hardships, including worse credit scores, more frequent bankruptcies and evictions, and a higher chance of living in poverty. After being denied an abortion, women were also more likely to stay linked to a violent partner or to raise children alone ( The harms of denying a woman a wanted abortion , ANSIRH, 2020).

And people seeking abortions aren’t the only ones harmed when the procedure is banned.

“The children born as a result of abortion denial were not only more likely to live in poverty, but they were also more likely to experience poor bonding with their mothers,” Biggs said.

Other studies show that children born in such circumstances face a range of social, emotional, and mental health problems that continue into adulthood, including more psychiatric hospitalizations than their siblings or other children of planned pregnancies (David, H. P., Reproductive Health Matters , Vol. 14, No. 27, 2006 ; Dagg, P. K., American Journal of Psychiatry , Vol. 148, No. 5, 1991 ).

“Negative outcomes are not limited to minor problems that occur over a short span of time,” Russo said. “They can be severe outcomes of real concern.”

More stigma, barriers, and inequities

Given that the mental health impacts of denying abortion extend far beyond the procedure itself, it’s important to consider the issue in the larger context of society.

“Most people assume that if we’re talking about psychological ramifications, that’s about their feelings around having an abortion,” said Julie Bindeman, PsyD, a reproductive psychologist who cofounded and directs Integrative Therapy of Greater Washington, a private practice outside Washington, D.C. “But we really need to think about the compounding costs involved with even getting to that point.”

If a state bans abortions, a resident seeking one faces a new and significant set of barriers. They might incur additional costs for out-of-state travel, lodging, and childcare during the trip—all while missing wages at work. They might feel compelled to disclose the pregnancy to friends, family members, or coworkers from whom they’ve solicited help. They might be forced to wait longer for an appointment. All these challenges add up to more psychological stress.

Those new barriers could hinder anyone seeking an abortion, not just people in states restricting the procedure.

“Many people will be traveling to states with greater access to care, and that surge in demand for a limited number of appointments has the potential to impact everyone,” Biggs said.

Research has shown that people who face logistical barriers to accessing abortion care, including increased travel time or difficulty scheduling appointments, have more symptoms of stress, anxiety, and depression. A loss of autonomy—such as being forced to wait for an appointment or disclose a pregnancy—has the same effect ( Contraception , Vol. 101, No. 5, 2020 ).

Banning the procedure also stigmatizes it, and stigma harms mental health, according to findings from the Turnaway Study. Women in the study who felt they would be looked down on by friends, family, and community members if they had an abortion were much more likely to report psychological distress years later ( PLOS ONE , Vol. 15, No. 1, 2020 ).

Experts say the growing costs of obtaining an abortion will weigh much more heavily on those people with fewer economic resources.

“What we’re likely to see is an increased stratification, where those who have means and can travel will be able to obtain their abortions, and those who do not will face barriers upon barriers,” Bindeman said.

People who already struggle to pay for and access abortions—those living in poverty, people of color, people in rural areas, sexual and gender minorities, and young people, who are often bound by state-level parental consent and notification laws—are likely to be hardest hit by abortion bans.

“For all those reasons, this is a perfect storm of perpetuating continued inequities for people who are already marginalized,” said Bindeman.

Resources and support

While abortion isn’t linked to mental health problems, the challenges around obtaining one can be distressing. The following programs and organizations aid people who are seeking an abortion or want to talk about their experience.

Finding a credible health care provider

  • Planned Parenthood partners with more than 600 sexual and reproductive health care centers nationwide.
  • AbortionFinder.org offers a directory of verified abortion providers across the United States
  • The National Abortion Federation offers an online “Find a Provider” tool and a Referral Line to help patients locate abortion providers in their region.
  • Avoid “crisis pregnancy centers,” which promote misinformation intended to dissuade people from obtaining abortions. One study found that 80% of crisis pregnancy center websites contained false or misleading information (Bryan, A. G., et al., Contraception , Vol. 90, No. 6, 2014 ).

Social and emotional support

  • Exhale Pro-Voice is a textline that offers peer counseling for people who have had abortions and their loved ones, as well as trainings on how to provide support after an abortion.
  • Planned Parenthood ’s local, state, and regional centers offer various programming and activities for patients.
  • Sister Song , the National Black Women’s Reproductive Justice Agenda , and other organizations focus on supporting people of color.

Financial support

  • The National Network of Abortion Funds works with more than 80 organizations to provide funding for abortion, transportation, childcare, and other services.
  • The National Abortion Federation provides referrals, case management, and financial assistance for people seeking abortions.
  • Funding is also available from numerous regional, state, and local grassroots organizations, such as Jane’s Due Process , the Texas Equal Access Fund , and the Mississippi Reproductive Freedom Fund .

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The negative health implications of restricting abortion access

Ana Langer

December 13, 2021— Ana Langer is professor of the practice of public health and coordinator of the Women and Health Initiative at Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health.

Q:  Roe v. Wade may soon be overturned by the Supreme Court, while at the same time other countries are loosening restrictions around abortion rights. What are your thoughts on the current climate around this issue?

A: The trend over the past several decades is clear: Safe and legal abortion has become more widely accessible to women globally, with nearly 50 countries including Mexico, Argentina, New Zealand, Thailand, and Ireland liberalizing their abortion laws. During the same period, however, a few countries have made abortion more restricted or totally illegal, including El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Poland.

In the U.S., legal frameworks are increasingly limiting access to abortion. Even while Roe is in place, many people are currently unable to receive abortion care.

If the Supreme Court were to limit or overturn Roe, abortion would remain legal in 21 states and could immediately be prohibited in 24 states and three territories. Millions of people would be forced to travel to receive legal abortion care, something that would be impossible for many due to a range of financial and logistical reasons.

This situation does not surprise me because of the deep polarization that characterizes public views on abortion, and the growing power and relentless efforts of anti-choice groups. Furthermore, it does not surprise me because of the important gender gap that exists in this country, which is to a great extent due to the lack of strong and consistent policies and legal frameworks to support women in their efforts to better integrate their reproductive and professional roles and responsibilities.

The U.S. legalized abortion nearly 50 years ago, at a time when it was legally restricted in many countries around the world, setting an important international precedent and example. It disappoints me to see that while important progress has been made towards equality in other culturally polarized areas such as same-sex marriage, women’s right to terminate an unwanted or mistimed pregnancy is now severely threatened.

Q:  How do laws that restrict abortion access impact women’s health? 

A: Restricting women’s access to safe and legal abortion services has important negative health implications. We’ve seen that these laws do not result in fewer abortions. Instead, they compel women to risk their lives and health by seeking out unsafe abortion care.

According to the World Health Organization, 23,000 women die from unsafe abortions each year and tens of thousands more experience significant health complications globally. A recent study estimated that banning abortion in the U.S. would lead to a 21% increase in the number of pregnancy-related deaths overall and a 33% increase among Black women, simply because staying pregnant is more dangerous than having an abortion. Increased deaths due to unsafe abortions or attempted abortions would be in addition to these estimates.

If the current trend in the U.S. persists, “back alley” abortions will be the last resource for women with no access to safe and legal services, and the horrific consequences of such abortions will become a major cause of death and severe health complications for some of the most vulnerable women in this country.

The legal status of abortion also defines whether girls will be able to complete their educations and whether women will be able to participate in the workforce, and in public and political life.

Improving social safety net programs for women reduces gender gaps and improves girls’ and women’s health and chances to fulfill their potential, and could help reduce the number of abortions over time. Women who are better educated, have better access to comprehensive reproductive health care , and are employed and fairly remunerated will be better positioned to avoid a mistimed and unwanted pregnancy, hence the need for termination will become less common.

Q: Should abortion be considered a human right?

A: Numerous international and regional human rights treaties and national-level constitutions around the world protect the right to safe and legal abortion as a fundamental human right. Access to safe abortion is included in a constellation of rights, including the rights to life, liberty, privacy, equality and non-discrimination, and freedom from cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment. Human rights bodies have repeatedly condemned restrictive abortion laws as being incompatible with human rights norms.

While a supportive legal framework for abortion care is critical, it is not enough to ensure access for everyone who seeks the service. For universal access to become a reality, policies that cover the cost of abortion care and its integration into the health care system, in addition to societal measures that destigmatize the procedure, are needed.

— Amy Roeder

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Unsafe Abortion: Consequences, Facts & Statistics

Abortion   |   1 October 2022    |    9 min read

essay about dangers of abortion

This year, 35 million women will make the agonising decision to have an unsafe abortion.

It’s a preventable public health crisis taking many lives. We can and must put an end to unsafe abortion.

What is an unsafe abortion? 

When women face unintended pregnancy and don’t have access to safe abortion care, some are forced to resort to an unsafe abortion method, putting their health and lives at risk. The  World Health Organisation  (WHO)’s definition of unsafe abortion is as follows:

“An abortion is unsafe when it is carried out either by a person lacking the necessary skills or in an environment that does not conform to minimal medical standards, or both.”

The least safe conditions are when an abortion is carried out by untrained people using dangerous or invasive methods. A leading cause of maternal deaths, unsafe abortion can be devastating to women, their families and communities.

Why do people have unsafe abortions? 

essay about dangers of abortion

No one should have to risk their life or health to determine their own future. Abortion care is one of the most safe and common forms of healthcare worldwide. But to this day, abortion continues to be stigmatised and legally restricted in many countries, preventing many from accessing  safe abortion care .

Women and girls who want to end their pregnancy may face:

  • local  laws  that restrict abortion access
  • a  lack of understanding  or clarity about what the law allows
  • poor access  to health services (i.e., not enough providers, clinics are too far away, high cost makes it unaffordable)
  • abortion discrimination and social  stigma , making people feel that they can’t ask for help, shrouding abortion care in shame
  • needless requirements  like mandatory waiting periods or medically unnecessary tests that delay access to care
  • a  humanitarian   crisis or conflict  situation that hinders access to healthcare

Barriers to accessing safe abortion don’t stop women wanting or needing an abortion.  Evidence shows  that restrictions don’t prevent abortion, they just make them less safe—forcing women to turn to dangerous methods, leading to injuries and sometimes death. 

Every minute of every day, 67 women around the world resort to an unsafe abortion. This means today, 96,000 women will risk their lives for the right to choose their own future.

What are the consequences of unsafe abortion .

Unsafe abortion remains one of the  leading causes of maternal deaths  around the world, despite being almost entirely preventable.

There are immediate and long-term health risks of having an unsafe abortion—the toll on women is devastating. This year, over  9 million women  will face complications as a result of unsafe abortion including life-long injuries, severe disability, heavy bleeding, damage to internal organs, or losing the ability to become pregnant in the future.  22,800  of these women will die .

And it’s not just physical danger at risk. Barriers to safe abortion access and the stigma associated with abortion are detrimental to a woman’s mental wellbeing throughout her lifetime, as she battles with the notion that choices about her reproductive health are not her own.

There are also  economic  consequences, with medical costs forcing women into making a financial sacrifice (e.g. using their life savings), or simply making abortion inaccessible to those with fewer resources. When abortion is restricted and stigma is rife, it’s often marginalised and poor communities that are most affected. They are less likely to be able to access private healthcare or travel to other places where abortion care is safe and legal.

Determining your own future should not come at such a physical, mental, and financial cost.  It simply doesn’t have to be this way—if we break down all the unnecessary barriers, we could live in a world where no abortion is unsafe. That is what MSI is working towards.

Unsafe abortion statistics

Here are some quick numbers to answer questions like ‘how many unsafe abortions happen each year?’

(almost half of all) abortions every year are unsafe

women will die from unsafe abortions this year

unsafe abortions occur in low and middle-income countries

of global maternal deaths are due to unsafe abortions

of women live in the 125 countries where abortion is highly restricted

Catherine’s unsafe abortion story

“I’m lucky to have survived. I share my experience because I wouldn’t want girls to go through what I went through.”

Some girls, like Catherine, live to tell their unsafe abortion story. Many others do not. 

MSI is working towards a goal of  no unsafe abortion by 2030 .  Abortion is a very safe and simple medical procedure to end a pregnancy, and no one should be forced to put themselves in danger to have one.

How Ethiopia tackled unsafe abortion

“The methods women used to terminate an unwanted pregnancy were desperate. Ranging from traditional remedies including tree roots and herbs, women would also insert harmful objects like catheters and metallic tools inside of them to try and end their pregnancy. In an average week, around two or three women died. It was normal to see half of the delivery and gynaecology rooms filled with women who needed immediate medical assistance.”  

– MSI Ethiopia’s Country Director, Abebe Shibru (pictured right)

Unsafe abortion used to contribute to nearly a third of all maternal deaths in Ethiopia before the country decided to liberalise its abortion laws in 2005. Since then,  Ethiopia has made huge strides  in the prevention of unsafe abortion and recent studies show that maternal deaths from unsafe abortion have dropped sharply to 1%. 

essay about dangers of abortion

Our work to provide safe abortion services and prevent unsafe abortion 

As one of the world’s leading providers of sexual and reproductive healthcare,  we are unapologetic in our defence of  the right to abortion , and we’re proud to provide safe abortion services wherever the law permits. In every country that we work in, we provide post-abortion care to save lives following an unsafe or incomplete abortion.  

According to the World Health Organisation , with access to comprehensive sex education, contraception, and safe and legal abortion, nearly every single unsafe abortion (and the maternal deaths that follow) could be prevented.  

We must remove local laws that restrict access, ensure there are enough safe abortion clinics and providers available, and make sure services are included in national health coverage schemes, so that cost isn’t a barrier.  

That’s why  MSI—as well as providing abortion services— advocates globally  for access to abortion . Partnering across sectors and working closely with  local communities  and governments , we’re working to make abortion safe, legal and affordable.  

We stand shoulder to shoulder with women and girls worldwide in the global drive to liberalise abortion laws, end unsafe abortion and prevent maternal deaths—so that everyone has the reproductive choice to determine their own future. 

With your help we can go further. Consider making a gift to fund safe abortion access globally .

Looking for safe abortion services? 

If you ever need to speak openly, with full comfort and confidentiality about your experiences and choices, we are here to help. If you’re looking for safe abortion services, we may be able to assist you depending on where you live and your situation.  Find your local service  or contact your local contact centre where someone will be able to advise on the reproductive healthcare available to you.  

essay about dangers of abortion

How you can help end unsafe abortion

Learn more about abortion.

When we’re in the know about our reproductive health and rights, we can help change the narrative and fight for everyone’s right to access safe services. To remain up to date on the latest news and campaigns on reproductive rights, follow us on social media and sign up to our newsletter.

SHARE by joining the conversation online

Smashing stigma starts with people normalising abortion. You can go online to share a personal story, retweet a statistic showing the realities of unsafe abortion, or share a resource, like this page. If you’re unsure how to talk about abortion in a destigmatising way, our abortion language guide is here to help.

FUND abortion

Until all countries across the globe actively protect and promote safe and legal abortion access (we’re working on it), abortion providers need donations to keep their doors open. You can donate today, or set up a monthly donation, to help everyone determine their own futures. Help make reproductive choice possible worldwide.

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Key Arguments From Both Sides of the Abortion Debate

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  • Reproductive Rights
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  • B.A., English Language and Literature, Well College

Many points come up in the abortion debate . Here's a look at abortion from both sides : 10 arguments for abortion and 10 arguments against abortion, for a total of 20 statements that represent a range of topics as seen from both sides.

Pro-Life Arguments

  • Since life begins at conception,   abortion is akin to murder as it is the act of taking human life. Abortion is in direct defiance of the commonly accepted idea of the sanctity of human life.
  • No civilized society permits one human to intentionally harm or take the life of another human without punishment, and abortion is no different.
  • Adoption is a viable alternative to abortion and accomplishes the same result. And with 1.5 million American families wanting to adopt a child, there is no such thing as an unwanted child.
  • An abortion can result in medical complications later in life; the risk of ectopic pregnancies is increased if other factors such as smoking are present, the chance of a miscarriage increases in some cases,   and pelvic inflammatory disease also increases.  
  • In the instance of rape and incest, taking certain drugs soon after the event can ensure that a woman will not get pregnant.   Abortion punishes the unborn child who committed no crime; instead, it is the perpetrator who should be punished.
  • Abortion should not be used as another form of contraception.
  • For women who demand complete control of their body, control should include preventing the risk of unwanted pregnancy through the responsible use of contraception or, if that is not possible, through abstinence .
  • Many Americans who pay taxes are opposed to abortion, therefore it's morally wrong to use tax dollars to fund abortion.
  • Those who choose abortions are often minors or young women with insufficient life experience to understand fully what they are doing. Many have lifelong regrets afterward.
  • Abortion sometimes causes psychological pain and stress.  

Pro-Choice Arguments

  • Nearly all abortions take place in the first trimester when a fetus is attached by the placenta and umbilical cord to the mother.   As such, its health is dependent on her health, and cannot be regarded as a separate entity as it cannot exist outside her womb.
  • The concept of personhood is different from the concept of human life. Human life occurs at conception,   but fertilized eggs used for in vitro fertilization are also human lives and those not implanted are routinely thrown away. Is this murder, and if not, then how is abortion murder?
  • Adoption is not an alternative to abortion because it remains the woman's choice whether or not to give her child up for adoption. Statistics show that very few women who give birth choose to give up their babies; less than 3% of White unmarried women and less than 2% of Black​ unmarried women.
  • Abortion is a safe medical procedure. The vast majority of women who have an abortion do so in their first trimester.   Medical abortions have a very low risk of serious complications and do not affect a woman's health or future ability to become pregnant or give birth.  
  • In the case of rape or incest, forcing a woman made pregnant by this violent act would cause further psychological harm to the victim.   Often a woman is too afraid to speak up or is unaware she is pregnant, thus the morning after pill is ineffective in these situations.
  • Abortion is not used as a form of contraception . Pregnancy can occur even with contraceptive use. Few women who have abortions do not use any form of birth control, and that is due more to individual carelessness than to the availability of abortion.  
  • The ability of a woman to have control of her body is critical to civil rights. Take away her reproductive choice and you step onto a slippery slope. If the government can force a woman to continue a pregnancy, what about forcing a woman to use contraception or undergo sterilization?
  • Taxpayer dollars are used to enable poor women to access the same medical services as rich women, and abortion is one of these services. Funding abortion is no different from funding a war in the Mideast. For those who are opposed, the place to express outrage is in the voting booth.
  • Teenagers who become mothers have grim prospects for the future. They are much more likely to leave school; receive inadequate prenatal care; or develop mental health problems.  
  • Like any other difficult situation, abortion creates stress. Yet the American Psychological Association found that stress was greatest prior to an abortion and that there was no evidence of post-abortion syndrome.  

Additional References

  • Alvarez, R. Michael, and John Brehm. " American Ambivalence Towards Abortion Policy: Development of a Heteroskedastic Probit Model of Competing Values ." American Journal of Political Science 39.4 (1995): 1055–82. Print.
  • Armitage, Hannah. " Political Language, Uses and Abuses: How the Term 'Partial Birth' Changed the Abortion Debate in the United States ." Australasian Journal of American Studies 29.1 (2010): 15–35. Print.
  • Gillette, Meg. " Modern American Abortion Narratives and the Century of Silence ." Twentieth Century Literature 58.4 (2012): 663–87. Print.
  • Kumar, Anuradha. " Disgust, Stigma, and the Politics of Abortion ." Feminism & Psychology 28.4 (2018): 530–38. Print.
  • Ziegler, Mary. " The Framing of a Right to Choose: Roe V. Wade and the Changing Debate on Abortion Law ." Law and History Review 27.2 (2009): 281–330. Print.

“ Life Begins at Fertilization with the Embryo's Conception .”  Princeton University , The Trustees of Princeton University.

“ Long-Term Risks of Surgical Abortion .”  GLOWM, doi:10.3843/GLOWM.10441

Patel, Sangita V, et al. “ Association between Pelvic Inflammatory Disease and Abortions .”  Indian Journal of Sexually Transmitted Diseases and AIDS , Medknow Publications, July 2010, doi:10.4103/2589-0557.75030

Raviele, Kathleen Mary. “ Levonorgestrel in Cases of Rape: How Does It Work? ”  The Linacre Quarterly , Maney Publishing, May 2014, doi:10.1179/2050854914Y.0000000017

Reardon, David C. “ The Abortion and Mental Health Controversy: A Comprehensive Literature Review of Common Ground Agreements, Disagreements, Actionable Recommendations, and Research Opportunities .”  SAGE Open Medicine , SAGE Publications, 29 Oct. 2018, doi:10.1177/2050312118807624

“ CDCs Abortion Surveillance System FAQs .” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 25 Nov. 2019.

Bixby Center for Reproductive Health. “ Complications of Surgical Abortion : Clinical Obstetrics and Gynecology .”  LWW , doi:10.1097/GRF.0b013e3181a2b756

" Sexual Violence: Prevalence, Dynamics and Consequences ." World Health Organizaion.

Homco, Juell B, et al. “ Reasons for Ineffective Pre-Pregnancy Contraception Use in Patients Seeking Abortion Services .”  Contraception , U.S. National Library of Medicine, Dec. 2009, doi:10.1016/j.contraception.2009.05.127

" Working With Pregnant & Parenting Teens Tip Sheet ." U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

Major, Brenda, et al. " Abortion and Mental Health: Evaluating the Evidence ." American Psychological Association, doi:10.1037/a0017497

  • 50 Argumentative Essay Topics
  • The Pro-Life vs Pro-Choice Debate
  • Abortion on Demand: A Second Wave Feminist Demand
  • Abortion Facts and Statistics in the 21st Century
  • The 1969 Redstockings Abortion Speakout
  • The Roe v. Wade Supreme Court Decision
  • Biography of Margaret Sanger
  • Is Abortion Legal in Every State?
  • Biography of Norma McCorvey, 'Roe' in the Roe v. Wade Case
  • Pro-Choice Quotes
  • Supreme Court Decisions and Women's Reproductive Rights
  • Oppression and Women's History
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  • 8 Major Issues Facing Women Today
  • Understanding Why Abortion Is Legal in the United States

Apr 26, 2023

Essays on Abortion: Insightful Perspectives and Real-Life Examples to Inspire Your Writing

Abortion is a complex and highly debated topic that touches on issues of morality, politics, and personal choice. Whether you're writing an essay for a class or simply want to explore the topic more deeply, finding the right inspiration and structure for your writing can be a challenge. But fear not: in this article, we've gathered some of the most compelling examples of abortion essays and broken down the essential elements of a strong abortion essay. Whether you're pro-choice, pro-life, or somewhere in between, this article has something for everyone. So buckle up and get ready for an insightful and thought-provoking exploration of this controversial topic.

When writing an essay on the abortion debate, it is important to provide insightful perspectives to help readers understand the complex issues . One way to do this is by offering real-life examples that illustrate the impact of abortion on individuals and society as a whole. By highlighting both the personal and societal consequences of this controversial topic, you can help readers gain a more nuanced understanding of the issue.

For instance, you could discuss how access to safe abortion legislation has improved women's health and autonomy in countries where it is legal. On the other hand, you could also explore how restrictive abortion laws can lead to unsafe and illegal procedures, putting women's health and lives at risk.

In addition to providing real-life examples, it's important to offer insightful perspectives on the abortion essay arguments. This might involve examining the legal, social, and ethical considerations of abortion and how different perspectives on these issues might shape public policy.

Overall, writing an essay on the abortion debate requires careful thought, research, and analysis . By providing insightful perspectives and real-life examples, you can help readers understand the complexities of this important topic.

About abortion essay arguments

The abortion essay arguments surrounding induced abortion are complex and multifaceted, with many ethical considerations at play. One of the primary debates is the role of abortion legislation in regulating access to this medical procedure. 

Some argue that regulations that restrict access to abortion, particularly for minors, are necessary to protect the welfare of individuals and society at large. Others contend that such regulations infringe upon the rights of individuals to make their own decisions about their bodies.

Despite these debates, it is clear that the risks associated with illegal abortion methods are significant, and that individuals who seek out these methods may face serious health consequences . It is therefore important to ensure that safe and legal abortion services are accessible to those who need them, to protect the health and well-being of women and their families.

Types of Abortion

Medical Abortion: This type of abortion involves taking medication to induce the termination of a pregnancy. It typically involves taking two drugs, mifepristone and misoprostol , over the course of several days to cause the uterus to contract and expel the pregnancy. 

Surgical Abortion: This type of abortion involves a procedure to remove the contents of the uterus. There are several methods of surgical abortion, including vacuum aspiration, dilation and curettage (D&C), dilation and evacuation (D&E), and induction abortion. The type of surgical abortion used will depend on the stage of pregnancy and other factors. 

Chemical Abortion: This is another term for medical abortion, which involves taking medication to induce abortion. 

Late-Term Abortion: This refers to an abortion that takes place after the first trimester of pregnancy (usually after 24 weeks). Late-term abortions are typically performed only in cases where the life or health of the mother is at risk or in cases of severe fetal abnormalities.

How to Write an Argumentative Essay on Abortion

The pros and cons of terminating a pregnancy can be found in an argumentative essay on the topic. One of the most distinguishing features of this type of essay is that it can be written from multiple perspectives. 

Some may conceive of this essay regarding psychology and sociology, while some may care passionately about writing pro-choice essays on abortion and pushing their views in the areas of healthcare and research. No matter your perspective, you must do some groundwork and ensure you correctly process your arguments and data.

Writers of abortion essays should maintain a neutral stance. Those who are very sensitive to the stated topic should not be offended by the topic, the selection of arguments, or the wording used.

The purpose of an argumentative abortion essay is to present the issue and the supporting and opposing arguments. Providing context, outlining the topic's current situation, and incorporating the most recent research is also crucial.

Honesty is paramount when considering a title for an abortion essay. The title shouldn't be misleading or inappropriate in any way. If you're writing an essay on why abortion is wrong, for example, you'll need to decide whether you'll be arguing for or against the topic overall.

What is the structure of writing an abortion essay?

As we all know that a standard essay has an introductory paragraph , body paragraphs (usually 3-5), and a conclusion. Even the abortion essay follows this rule. Abortion essays are similar to other essays in many ways, but there are a few key differences that necessitate a somewhat unique approach.

Introduction

Before you can even begin to write your abortion essay, you need to define the term. Although virtually everyone is familiar with the term "abortion," a clear definition is still required. You can mention afterward how current research or events have made abortion an extremely divisive issue. Your major goal after an introduction should be to show how you feel about the subject.

The task at hand is to put your thoughts into a concise thesis statement. The question, "Should the nation decide for women what to do with their lives and bodies?" is a good candidate for a thesis statement.

Core content

The following structure could be used for the essay's body if you choose to argue in favor of abortion: Provide a single argument against abortion and two or three paragraphs in favour of the practice. Don't just say abortion is good or evil without providing arguments either way.

You should briefly recap what you discussed in the text at the end. When you're writing, keep in mind the thesis statement you introduced. Provide your perspective and approach to the issue at hand.

Example Essays

Essays on abortion are just one of the many topics that Jenni.ai can swiftly and accurately write on. This program uses artificial intelligence to generate essays rapidly on any topic. If you need help writing your thesis, then we recommend Jenni.ai.

Should Abortions be Legal?

In the history of abortion and its legality, there have been many legal changes that sometimes legalize abortion and other times the legality of abortion is abolished. There has been a continuous debate on abortion though it is legally practiced in some regions.

The main issue that is hotly contested in the debate is when life begins so that the debate shifts from merely thinking about whether abortion is morally good or bad to whether the act violates another person’s right to life or not.

Taking into account both the life of the mother and that of the fetus, abortion should be legalized (Women’s International Network, 1982). The paper discusses the legality of abortion and how illegalizing abortion contravenes the very laws that protect the rights of women.

In this essay, the author of this essay argues that abortion should be recognized as a right, and it should be legalized to protect the rights of women. Religious groups, especially Christians and Muslims, have been known to be anti-abortionists, but their arguments are based on subjective interpretations of their holy books.

Legalizing abortion will allow women to be free from harm that may arise from unwanted pregnancies, and it will also allow women to choose whether they want to keep the child they carry or not.

Should abortion be considered murder?

Introduction:

Abortion is a hotly contested topic in today's political climate. The idea that abortion ought to be treated as murder is among the most divisive arguments. Proponents of this view say abortion should be illegal because it is a purposeful killing of a human being. Although abortion is a touchy and morally complicated subject, this essay argues that it should not be deemed murder.

Some who consider abortion murder argue, principally, that a fetus is a person with all the rights and dignity accorded to any other human being. They claim that the fetus can live since it is a living being with the capacity to mature into a human being. Hence, abortion is a form of capital murder.

However, there are several counterarguments to this position. Firstly, the idea that a fetus has the same inherent rights as a fully-formed human being is problematic. While a fetus may be a living being, it is not the same as a fully-formed human being with thoughts, feelings, and experiences. The concept of personhood, which defines the attributes necessary for someone to be considered a person, is not clearly defined, and as such, the question of when a fetus becomes a person is a contentious issue.

Furthermore, the argument that a fetus has the right to life ignores the rights and autonomy of the mother. It is essential to acknowledge that pregnancy and childbirth are complex and challenging experiences that can have significant physical, emotional, and psychological effects on a woman's body and well-being. Therefore, women should have the right to choose whether or not to continue a pregnancy without fear of legal repercussions.

It is also important to consider the broader social and economic implications of abortion. Criminalizing abortion would not prevent women from having abortions. Instead, it would drive the practice underground and put the health and safety of women at risk. Moreover, it would disproportionately impact marginalized communities who may not have access to safe and legal abortion services, leading to further social and economic inequality.

Finally, it is worth noting that the position that abortion is murder is often based on religious or moral beliefs that are not shared by everyone. While it is essential to respect individual beliefs and values, it is not appropriate to impose them on others through the law.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, the assertion that abortion is murder is a highly contentious and morally complex issue. While it is understandable that some may view abortion as the deliberate taking of human life, this perspective does not fully account for the rights and autonomy of women, the complexity of personhood, and the broader social and economic implications of criminalizing abortion. Instead, we should focus on ensuring that women have access to safe and legal abortion services and support them in making informed and autonomous decisions about their bodies and reproductive health.

What are the effects of abortion on a woman’s health?

Abortion is a medical procedure that involves ending a pregnancy. It is a sensitive and controversial issue that raises questions about a woman's physical and mental health. This essay will examine the effects of abortion on a woman's health, both physical and psychological, and provide a balanced and informative perspective on the matter.

Physical Effects:

The physical effects of abortion vary depending on the method used and the gestational age of the fetus. In general, abortions performed during the first trimester are considered safe and have a low risk of complications. However, abortions performed during the second or third trimester are more complicated and may have a higher risk of complications.

Some of the physical effects of abortion can include:

Bleeding and cramping - These are common side effects of abortion, particularly in the days and weeks following the procedure.

Infection - There is a risk of infection following an abortion, particularly if the procedure is performed in an unsafe or unsanitary environment.

Damage to the cervix - In some cases, an abortion may cause damage to the cervix, which can increase the risk of premature delivery or cervical incompetence in future pregnancies.

Emotional and psychological effects - Abortion can have a profound impact on a woman's emotional and psychological well-being. The psychological effects of abortion can include depression, anxiety, guilt, and grief.

Psychological Effects:

The psychological effects of abortion can be just as significant as the physical effects. The decision to have an abortion can be a difficult and emotional one, and it can have a lasting impact on a woman's mental health.

Some of the psychological effects of abortion can include:

Depression - Many women experience feelings of sadness, grief, and depression following an abortion.

Anxiety - Some women may experience anxiety, panic attacks, or other forms of psychological distress following an abortion.

Guilt and Shame - Many women feel guilt and shame after having an abortion, which can have a significant impact on their mental health.

Relationship Issues - Abortion can have a significant impact on a woman's relationships, including with her partner, family, and friends.

Substance Abuse - Some women may turn to alcohol or drugs as a way of coping with the emotional and psychological effects of abortion.

In conclusion, abortion can have a significant impact on a woman's physical and mental health. While abortions performed during the first trimester are generally considered safe and have a low risk of complications, abortions performed during the second or third trimester can be more complicated and may have a higher risk of complications. 

Moreover, the psychological effects of abortion can be just as significant as the physical effects, including depression, anxiety, guilt, and grief. Therefore, women must have access to accurate information, counseling, and support before and after an abortion to ensure that they can make an informed decision and receive the appropriate care and support.

What should be the lowest age for abortion?

The issue of what should be the lowest age for abortion is a sensitive and controversial topic. It raises questions about young person's autonomy, their right to make decisions about their own body, and the role of parents and society in protecting their welfare. This essay will examine the current laws and regulations surrounding abortion for minors, as well as the ethical and practical considerations of setting a minimum age for abortion.

Current Laws and Regulations:

Abortion laws and regulations for minors differ widely across nations and states. In some of these countries, like the United States, children can get an abortion without their parent’s knowledge or permission, but in others, like Canada, they need their parents' permission beforehand.

Although the Supreme Court has established a constitutional right to abortion for minors in the United States, individual states retain the power to set limitations on this right, including parental approval and notification requirements. Presently, 37 states call for parental participation, while only 13 do not.

By Canadian law, a juvenile cannot legally get an abortion without the approval of one of their parents or a judge. Several jurisdictions, notably Quebec, do not require parental notification or consent for minors to access abortion services.

Ethical and Practical Considerations:

Setting a minimum age for abortion raises ethical and practical considerations. On the one hand, minors have a right to make decisions about their bodies, including whether or not to have an abortion. Moreover, many young people may face difficult or dangerous situations, such as rape or incest, and may need access to abortion services without parental involvement.

On the other hand, there are concerns about the welfare of minors and the role of parents and society in protecting their well-being. Some argue that minors are not mature enough to make such a significant decision and that parental involvement is necessary to ensure that they receive appropriate care and support.

Another practical consideration is the ability of minors to access abortion services. In some areas, there may be a lack of services or resources, which can make it difficult for minors to obtain an abortion, even if they are legally entitled to do so.

In conclusion, the issue of what should be the lowest age for abortion is a complex and sensitive topic. The laws and regulations surrounding abortion for minors vary widely, and there are ethical and practical considerations to be taken into account when setting a minimum age. 

Ultimately, the decision of whether or not to have an abortion should be left to the individual, with appropriate care and support provided to ensure that they can make an informed decision and receive the appropriate care. However, it is important to ensure that minors are protected and supported and that they have access to the resources and services they need to make the best decision for themselves.

The attitude to abortion in different cultures

Abortion is a highly debated and controversial topic all around the world. Different cultures and religions have varying views on this topic, and these attitudes toward abortion are often influenced by social, ethical, and religious beliefs. While some cultures consider it a personal decision, others see it as a moral or ethical issue. This essay will examine the attitudes toward abortion in different cultures and highlight the various factors that influence these attitudes.

Attitudes to abortion in different cultures:

United States:

In the United States, the attitude toward abortion is highly polarized. The debate often centers around the right to life and the right to choose. Those who are pro-choice argue that women should have the right to choose whether or not to terminate a pregnancy, while those who are pro-life believe that life begins at conception and that abortion is therefore tantamount to murder. These attitudes have been shaped by a variety of factors, including religious beliefs, political ideology, and personal experiences.

In China, the government has historically enforced a one-child policy, which prohibited couples from having more than one child. This policy was implemented to control population growth, and as a result, the attitude towards abortion in China is more accepting. Many couples have terminated pregnancies to comply with the policy, and abortion has become a socially accepted method of birth control.

In India, the attitude towards abortion is influenced by the religious beliefs of the population. While Hinduism does not have a specific stance on abortion, it is generally seen as unacceptable in traditional Hindu culture. However, in modern-day India, the attitudes towards abortion have become more accepting, and it is seen as a means of family planning. Additionally, India's government has implemented policies to promote family planning and reduce population growth, which has led to more widespread acceptance of abortion.

Islamic Countries:

In Islamic countries, the attitude towards abortion is generally negative. Islam places a high value on the sanctity of life, and therefore, abortion is considered a sin in most Islamic cultures. However, some Muslim scholars argue that abortion is permissible in certain circumstances, such as when the mother's life is in danger or when the fetus has a severe deformity. Overall, however, the attitude towards abortion in Islamic cultures is highly influenced by religious beliefs and the interpretation of Islamic law.

In conclusion, attitudes towards abortion vary greatly across cultures and are influenced by a wide range of factors, including religious beliefs, political ideology, and personal experiences. While some cultures have become more accepting of abortion as a means of family planning, others continue to view it as a moral or ethical issue. Ultimately, the decision to have an abortion should be a personal one, and individuals should have the right to choose what is best for themselves and their families. It is important for societies to respect the beliefs and values of others and to promote policies that ensure access to safe and legal abortion services for those who choose to pursue them.

Final Thoughts

In conclusion, writing a compelling essay on the topic of abortion can be challenging, but it's also an opportunity to explore a complex and important issue in depth. By examining the different types of abortion and considering the various arguments for and against it, you can craft a nuanced and thought-provoking essay that engages readers and sheds new light on the topic.

 Of course, writing any essay can be a daunting task, but with the right tools and resources, you can make the process more manageable and even enjoyable. That's where Jenni.ai comes in. With our AI-enhanced writing tool, you can craft a powerful and persuasive essay on abortion or any other topic that matters to you. 

Our tool offers a range of features to enhance your writing, from AI autocomplete to in-text citations. With Jenni.ai, you'll have access to everything you need to produce essays that are well-researched, engaging, and impactful. 

So why wait? Sign up for a free trial of Jenni.ai today and start writing your own outstanding essays on abortion or any other topic that inspires you. With our help, you can achieve your writing goals and make your voice heard in the world.

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Pro Life (Abortion) — A Pro-Life Perspective on Abortion

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A Pro-life Perspective on Abortion

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Published: Mar 16, 2024

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An Expository Essay on Dangers of Abortion

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essay about dangers of abortion

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For many years, abortion has been among the most complex and controversial moral issues the world has faced. It has created sides of the divide. On one side are the proponents of abortion, who consider it a legal act and right for any woman that seeks to perform it. On the other side are the critics who consider it illegal and an act of murder, which has an adverse negative impact on women’s physical and mental health. In this paper, arguments support the critics and explain why abortion is an illegal and life-threatening act. Abortion is dangerous for women, and rightly so, for many reasons. These reasons include long-term reproductive health risks and complications, mental and emotional anguish for women who undergo the process, exposure to ridicule from society, and the risk of jail terms that leads to lost time.

essay about dangers of abortion

Reproductive Health Risks and Complications

Reproductive health issues remain critical threats to maternal health and safety. Safely done abortions or abortions done early under the strict guidance of an experienced reproductive health professional do not bring complications such as infection development, which can cause infertility. However, unsafe abortions or those performed late into pregnancy pose severe dangers to women. Most women who engage in unsafe abortions are those from low-income communities with limited access to maternal services (Alemu et al., 2022). Complications arising from unsafe abortion or having multiple abortions can affect a woman’s fertility, making it difficult to have children in the future. Unsafe abortions could lead to incomplete abortion, which may require the woman to have a surgical abortion, infection in the female reproductive organs, heavy and uncontrolled bleeding, or permanent damage to the uterus or cervix. Other dangers include having ectopic pregnancies, hormonal disruptions, secondary infertility, spontaneous abortion, stillbirth, complications of pregnancy, risk of breast cancer, mental health disorders, and premature death (Sajadi-Ernazarova & Martinez, 2022). It is recommended that women carry their pregnancies to a full term as they stand to benefit from it in the long term. Failure to which they risk putting their lives at more significant risk.

Long-Term Emotional and Mental Anguish

It is always the joy of a woman to discover she is pregnant and carry her pregnancy to term, which positively impacts them from an emotional perspective. Women experience different emotions and handle them differently. During or after an abortion, some women will be left with long-term feelings of emptiness, sadness, and guilt. According to Coleman (2022), some women who have undergone abortions have reported serious psychological effects such as flashbacks, depression, grief, attachment, lowered self-esteem, anxiety, regret, and substance abuse. For some, the emotions may appear immediately after the procedure, while others will gradually appear over time. Under a constant negative state, women risk engaging in harmful behaviors such as binge eating or developing feelings of committing suicide. Some tend to harbor feelings of rage towards themselves and, if not checked, could lead to self-harm or harm toward others. The feelings may recur or be felt stronger during another abortion, normal birth, or the anniversary of the abortion. Consequently, counseling support before and after an abortion is significant. Failure to access these critical services further puts women who have undergone an abortion at more significant risk.

essay about dangers of abortion

Risk of Serving Jail Term

Women who engage in abortion risk spending their lives in prison. Though abortion in some areas is legal, it is illegal and equivalent to murder in most other parts. Though proponents argue that the fetus is not a complete human being and hence not protected by the law or human rights, critics argue that life begins at conception and that abortion is tantamount to murder since the fetus is a person who is protected under moral and legal rights equal to that of a living person (New York Times, 2022). The fetus is human with human-like features and deserves to live until maturity. Women who engage in abortion risk being caught, especially if they carry out the procedures in places where it is deemed illegal. Currently, abortion is now banned in at least 13 states due to the effect following the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade (New York Times, 2022). Thus, those undertaking the procedure risk shattering their dreams of being better people in society with jail terms. Besides, they risk exposing themselves to the impending dangers that lurk in the prison system.

Societal Ridicule, Stigma, and Mistreatment

Finally, another reason why abortion is dangerous for women is that it exposes them to ridicule and societal mistreatment. According to Håkansson et al. (2020), these unfold at different levels and impact women differently. First, women who undergo abortions are considered irresponsible individuals and murderers. Second, if procured illegally and secretly, women in marriage risk affecting their relationships with their partners and are considered promiscuous. All these attract hostile stigma, ridicule and mistreatment from other members of their communities. Biggs et al. (2020) assert that abortion stigma can cause psychological distress in women. Such hostility and stigma only increase the rate of illegal and unsafe abortions, which further endangers women.

essay about dangers of abortion

Abortion is a heinous act that threatens the very existence of the female gender. Its dangers include long-term emotional distress, long-term reproductive health issues, risk of jail terms, and never-ending societal mistreatment and ridicule. While people might offer a variety of reasons to justify abortions, others offer equally compelling arguments to portray abortion as a morally reprehensible practice that poses significant dangers to women. The above-stated dangers are just a summary of the wide existing dangers women face and should serve as a point of reference for handling abortion-related issues. The implication for the topic is that there is a need to pass stringent laws and policies prohibiting unnecessary abortion while ensuring that safe abortion practices, including medically approved abortion, are put in place and performed. Besides, government and non-governmental organizations must work together to end the rising teen pregnancies responsible for the bulk of abortion cases globally.

  • Alemu, K., Birhanu, S., Fekadu, L., Endale, F., Tamene, A., & Habte, A. (2022). Safe abortion service utilization and associated factors among insecurely housed women who experienced abortion in southwest Ethiopia, 2021: A community-based cross-sectional study.  PloS one ,  17 (8), e0272939. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0272939
  • Biggs, M. A., Brown, K., & Foster, D. G. (2020). Perceived abortion stigma and psychological well-being over five years after receiving or being denied an abortion.  PloS one ,  15 (1), e0226417. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0226417
  • Coleman, P. K. (2022). The turn away studies: a case of self-correction in science upended by political motivation and unvetted findings.  Frontiers in Psychology , 3362. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.905221
  • Håkansson, M., Super, S., Oguttu, M., & Makenzius, M. (2020). Social judgments on abortion and contraceptive use: A mixed methods study among secondary school teachers and student peer-counselors in western Kenya.  BMC Public Health ,  20 (1), 1-13. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-020-08578-9
  • New York Times. (2022). https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/21/us/abortion-anti-fetus-person.html
  • New York Times. (2022). Tracking the States Where Abortion Is Now Banned in the U.S. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/us/abortion-laws-roe-v-wade.html
  • Sajadi-Ernazarova, K. R., & Martinez, C. L. (2022). Abortion complications. In  StatPearls [Internet] . StatPearls Publishing.
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essay about dangers of abortion

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Expository Essay on Dangers of Abortion

Abortion is considered to be one of the most controversial issues. This abortion is a conflict between life and death. The uncertainty of its problems makes it even more challenging to deal with. Abortion refers to the termination of a pregnancy by removing an embryo or embryos from the uterus before they are ready to give birth.

Abortion is one of the most common ways to end a pregnancy. It is one of the safest procedures to end a pregnancy with medication. An abortion without clinical intervention is known as miscarriage and occurs in about 30% to 50% of pregnancies. Unsafe abortion can lead to maternal death; therefore, it is always safe to undergo clinical procedures.

The word abortion comes from the Latin word “abortion”, which is abortion. It is a clinical procedure to remove an embryo or fetus from the womb to terminate a pregnancy. It occurs in the first six months of pregnancy. There are two main types of abortions, spontaneous abortions for abortions and abortions done intentionally.

Some laws allowed it as well as close it from time to time. Medical abortions are performed in two ways, which include drugs and the second method is surgery which involves an invasive procedure. It is estimated that 1 in 3 women has an abortion by age 45.

Others end up having multiple abortions. Significant abortions are caused by unintended pregnancies and are used as a method of birth control. It was estimated that 88.6% of abortions were performed in the first trimester of pregnancy, 10.2% in the second trimester and 1.1% in the third trimester.

Various positions are based on the issue of abortion. The first worst-case scenario is for supporters who believe in saving lives and can prevent abortion in all circumstances. They feel that the government does not approve of destroying the embryo or embryos.

On the other hand, extremist advocates of choice believe that it should be the mother who should have the full right to decide whether to keep the baby or have an abortion. All pregnant women have equal right to request an abortion, either rich or poor.

The middle position is held by those who believe that abortion is only allowed in certain circumstances, such as when a pregnancy is dangerous for the mother, leading to maternal death or pregnancy resulting from rape.

The biggest issue lies between the ideas of abortion and the fight against abortion. It has also incorporated political and religious views into it. People with different cultures, beliefs and cultures have their ideas and approaches to abortion. Thoughts against abortion can lead to violent and violent consequences outside of abortion clinics.

Abortion often discusses human interactions when ethical, emotional, medical, and legal principles come together. At the end of the embryo, before you can live in a foreign land, killing human life is a violation of social norms for many.

However, abortion is having a devastating effect on our society today. People kill their unborn children for no apparent reason. Many think that abortion is the deliberate termination of a person’s pregnancy. It makes life away from the right thing for life. Most people have abortions because they are not financially stable, do not want to be single mothers, or have relationship problems.

One has to think twice before donating her baby because killing the fetus deprives the mother of the opportunity to survive and causes the mother to suffer physical problems.

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Abortions: Causes, Effects, and Solutions Essay

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Introduction

Scope, size, and seriousness of the problem, the likely causes of the problem, the likely effects of the problem, possible solutions.

Though decriminalization of abortion began in the 19th century, abortions remain hazardous to women’s mental and physical health and dangerous to the cultural perceptions of human life. According to official data from 2010 to 2014, 45% of all abortions were hazardous, illustrating the magnitude of the problem. The principal causes for the abortion problem are the social cause, which mandates ethical attitudes; the political cause, which affects legislation; and the environmental cause, which illuminates the initial stages of human development. This paper analyzes the scope, size, and seriousness of the abortion issue and provides possible solutions to the problem.

The issue of abortion continues to remain subject to debate. Abortions did not start to be legalized by governments till the end of the 19th century. Nevertheless, comprehensive abortion research and scholarly materials indicate the restrictions on abortions might be more useful in terms of psychological and physiological impact on women’s health and cultural conditions. Still, despite 100 years of lobbying for abortion restrictions, the topic continues to be one of the most important matters because of its impact on maternal health, cultural perspectives, and environmental aspects.

Abortion is a medical procedure intended to be performed by a medical expert to terminate a pregnancy. While it can be argued that throughout the years abortion procedures have become safer, they still remain dangerous for maternal and child health. According to official figures from 2010 to 2014, 45% of all abortions were dangerous, indicating the major size of the matter (World Health Organization, 2021). One-third of all abortions were conducted under the least reliable settings, that is, by inexperienced individuals utilizing harmful and intrusive procedures. As for the scope of the issue, 97% of all illegal abortions occur in developing nations (World Health Organization, 2021). Over half of all botched abortions are performed in Asia, with the majority occurring in South and Central regions (World Health Organization, 2021). About three out of every four abortions in Latin America and Africa are dangerous (World Health Organization, 2021). In Africa, approximately half of all abortions take place in the most dangerous conditions (World Health Organization, 2021). As a result, such statistics demonstrate that the matter of abortions is a serious public health issue.

There are several likely causes of anti-abortion sentiments, and the major cause is the social one that dictates ethical perspectives. Some people often reject the process for ethical concerns, claiming that it equates to the murder of what they regard to be a living organism (Berer, 2017). Additionally, abortions tend to be more harmful, and abortion providers often damage women’s health, putting their reproductive system at risk, which indicates the political cause. As a result, the policies were designed to protect women who still pursued abortion and put themselves in danger while doing so (Berer, 2017). In a similar manner, the last cause of the problem is the environmental one. Conception is the beginning of the cellular division stage that results in a person’s development at the time a genetic material fertilizes an egg. Since it possesses unique DNA, which is separate from both of its biological parents in addition to other human cells, the first cell is physiologically unique (Berer, 2017). In this sense, abortion can be regarded as a process of deliberate destruction of a living organism with already functioning unique cells.

Considering the causes mentioned above regarding the abortion issue, there are many repercussions that stem from such factors and might cause a butterfly effect , influencing not just socioeconomic but political matters. When it comes to a social cause, it might result in the brutalization of culture. Fully accessible abortion will create a perception that any human life is disposable and that not every human being deserves to live. Abortion produces a mentality in which a person’s life is seen as useless at its most crucial stage and shows a lack of respect for the dignity of human life (Marquis, 2017). This concept emphasizes the need for a quick fix to a challenging issue for low-income women.

Furthermore, the effect of the environmental cause of abortions leads to mental health issues for mothers. It is evident that certain women encounter despair, frustration, and a sense of loss after obtaining an abortion, and some experience major clinical illnesses, such as depression and anxiety, according to the report of the American Psychological Association (Reardon, 2018). In fact, it was noted that 38% of the 1177 relevant female participants, who made up 1.5% at 2 years, showed all the signs and symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder unique to abortion (Reardon, 2018). Additionally, it was discovered that the involved remnant’s levels of sadness and adverse responses were much higher after 2 years than they were at 1-month post-abortion evaluations, while their rates of favorable responses, relief, and choice satisfaction were substantially lower (Reardon, 2018). This indicates that women naturally have a sense of loss after an abortion.

Lastly, political causes of the abortion issue often lead to violence toward women who seek the procedure. In Great Britain, legal causes for abortion were defined as exemptions to the criminal procedure in the 1967 Abortion Legislation. Still, the 1861 act remains in effect and is being used to punish unlawful abortions presently (Berer, 2017). The United States has also seen an increase in abortion-related aggression, with numerous persons associated with abortion services being attacked and even murdered (Francome, 2017). Thus, if abortions are more restricted and instead, women are provided with proper healthcare to reduce the need for abortion, less violence and ostracization will be inflicted on females.

When it comes to possible solutions to the issue, much of the effort should be aimed toward regulations. However, there is also a necessity to bring change to the abortion topic from a social perspective. Among possible measures that might be taken is a shift in the education system that will target better awareness of pregnancy and abortion. Additionally, President Bush encouraged chastity as a possible solution to teenage pregnancy (Francome, 2017). Furthermore, more encouragement for creating new or promoting contemporary contraceptive measures should be involved. In this sense, less violence, poor mental and physical health, and fewer distorted human life perceptions will result from such measures.

Hence, despite 100 years of controversy around abortion, the issue remains one of the most critical because of its influence on public health, cultural viewpoints, and the environment. One-third of all abortions occurred in the least trustworthy settings, that is, by unskilled personnel using dangerous and invasive methods. Almost half of abortions result in deaths or damaged reproductive systems. The principal causes for the abortion problem are the social cause, which mandates religious and ethical attitudes; the political cause, which affects legislation; and the environmental cause, which illuminates the initial stages of human development. The consequences of such causes include brutalization of culture, poor maternal mental health, and violence.

Berer, M. (2017). Abortion law and policy around the world: in search of decriminalization. Health & Human Rights Journal, 19(1), 13–27. Web.

Francome, C. (2017). Abortion in the USA and the UK . Routledge.

Marquis, D. (2017). Why abortion is immoral. In Applied Ethics (pp. 367-373). Routledge.

Reardon, D. C. (2018). The abortion and mental health controversy: A comprehensive literature review of common ground agreements, disagreements, actionable recommendations, and research opportunities. SAGE Open Medicine , 6 , 1-38.

World Health Organization. (2021). Abortion. Web.

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The GOP Has a New Plan to Prevent Voters From Rejecting Their Unpopular Abortion Bans

Earlier this year, Arizona’s Supreme Court issued a deeply unpopular opinion resurrecting an abortion ban from 1864. Immediately, justices who had taken part in the ruling and who were on the ballot in retention elections faced a serious threat of being kicked off the bench by voters.

How have members of the Republican establishment in Arizona responded? If you guessed that they’re reconsidering extremist anti-abortion positions and moderating support for bans, LOL. No, as in other states across the nation, the backlash that the Arizona GOP is facing from voters for its wildly unpopular abortion positions caused the party to respond by trying to take away voters’ power to hold it accountable for those positions.

Indeed, abortion rights groups are opposing two state Supreme Court justices in the November elections, but a proposed amendment would make those justices untouchable.

Since the Arizona Supreme Court resurrected the 1864 abortion ban a few months ago, pro-choice groups and progressives have mounted an unprecedented effort to oust two justices in this year’s elections.

It could be the first time in U.S. history that progressives or leftists oust a high court justice in a judicial retention election. If the effort is successful, Gov. Katie Hobbs, a Democrat who signed a repeal of the broadly unpopular ban , will appoint two new justices.

But the voters’ decision may not even matter. That’s because earlier this month, Republican state lawmakers passed a constitutional amendment , by a one-vote margin, that would keep the justices on the bench regardless of what happens on Election Day.

If Arizonans approve the amendment, it would make the state’s high court justices nearly as unaccountable as U.S. Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito and his colleagues in Washington. They would serve until age 70 and not face any retention elections unless they committed some kind of misconduct.

Republican state Sen. Shawnna Bolick voted for the constitutional amendment, refusing to recuse herself even though her husband is one of the justices who could lose his job on Nov. 5. If Bolick had recused herself, the amendment wouldn’t have passed.

Democrats oppose the amendment. State Rep. Analise Ortiz, who represents Phoenix, described it as “ authoritarianism .” Other lawmakers cited Justice Sandra Day O’Connor , who helped establish the state’s system of merit selection and retention elections when she served in the Arizona Legislature. Sen. Flavio Bravo said, “It would be a shame to take this action six months after Justice Day O’Connor’s passing.” Bravo argued that retention elections provide “the kinds of checks and balances critical to our democracy.”

The merit selection system, sponsored by O’Connor nearly 50 years ago, established retention elections and bipartisan judicial nominating commissions, which evaluate applicants for judgeships and submit a list of the most qualified to the governor. Governors must choose a nominee from the list, but the previous governor, Republican Doug Ducey, stacked the appellate court commission with conservatives to get a less qualified justice on the court.

Ducey also filled two new seats on the high court in 2016 and changed its ideological leaning. Conservatives have played judicial hardball in Arizona for years, and it has resulted in a state Supreme Court that is one of the most conservative in the nation. This year’s retention election was the first chance for progressives to strike back.

Given the unpopularity of the court’s abortion decision, it seems as if pro-choice groups may actually pull it off. No Arizona justice has ever lost a retention election, which requires that they receive 60 percent of votes to remain on the bench. But some judges in Phoenix have been voted out in recent years, as activists have begun to get people involved in the process of choosing and evaluating judges.

Fourteen states have retention elections for their justices, and those seats are rarely contested. However, anti-choice and anti-LGBTQ+ groups have tried to oust justices and did so successfully in Iowa in 2010. Decades ago, justices in California and Tennessee lost their seats over rulings in death-penalty cases. And in 2022, voters in northern Illinois became the first in the state’s history to oust a high court justice; billionaires like Ken Griffin donated millions of dollars for attack ads that tied a state justice to a controversial Democratic politician.

Now that pro-choice voters could oust two Arizona justices, Republicans want to get rid of judicial elections and lock the current right-wing high court majority in place.

Arizona Republicans aren’t the only ones seeking to end judicial elections. A similar amendment was proposed this year in Louisiana, where civil rights groups have successfully pushed for a second majority-Black high court election district. But that amendment didn’t go forward. Texas Republicans set up a commission to explore switching to an appointment system , after Black women and Democrats performed relatively well in the 2018 elections. In North Carolina—where lawmakers last year created 10 new judgeships that are chosen by the Legislature, not the voters—legislators are considering an amendment that would double the terms of elected judges and ensure GOP control of the high court for nearly a decade.

As a result of its decision, in Dobbs , to end the constitutional right to an abortion, the U.S. Supreme Court falsely promised that voters across the country would now, state by state, decide the abortion question. But Republicans want to strip voters of the power to determine the fate of abortion laws. As the Arizona amendment is happening, Republicans in Ohio and elsewhere are trying to make it harder for voters to put constitutional amendments on the ballot and enshrine abortion protections into law.

Progressive voters in Arizona and across the country have begun to realize, through the ballot, the power they have to protect abortion rights, including by selecting judges that will strike down laws depriving patients of reproductive care. Hopefully they will also continue to be savvy enough to reject efforts, like the one pushed by the Arizona GOP, to take that power out of their own hands.

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A research on abortion: ethics, legislation and socio-medical outcomes. Case study: Romania

Andreea mihaela niţă.

1 Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Craiova, Romania

Cristina Ilie Goga

This article presents a research study on abortion from a theoretical and empirical point of view. The theoretical part is based on the method of social documents analysis, and presents a complex perspective on abortion, highlighting items of medical, ethical, moral, religious, social, economic and legal elements. The empirical part presents the results of a sociological survey, based on the opinion survey method through the application of the enquiry technique, conducted in Romania, on a sample of 1260 women. The purpose of the survey is to identify Romanians perception on the decision to voluntary interrupt pregnancy, and to determine the core reasons in carrying out an abortion.

The analysis of abortion by means of medical and social documents

Abortion means a pregnancy interruption “before the fetus is viable” [ 1 ] or “before the fetus is able to live independently in the extrauterine environment, usually before the 20 th week of pregnancy” [ 2 ]. “Clinical miscarriage is both a common and distressing complication of early pregnancy with many etiological factors like genetic factors, immune factors, infection factors but also psychological factors” [ 3 ]. Induced abortion is a practice found in all countries, but the decision to interrupt the pregnancy involves a multitude of aspects of medical, ethical, moral, religious, social, economic, and legal order.

In a more simplistic manner, Winston Nagan has classified opinions which have as central element “abortion”, in two major categories: the opinion that the priority element is represented by fetus and his entitlement to life and the second opinion, which focuses around women’s rights [ 4 ].

From the medical point of view, since ancient times there have been four moments, generally accepted, which determine the embryo’s life: ( i ) conception; ( ii ) period of formation; ( iii ) detection moment of fetal movement; ( iv ) time of birth [ 5 ]. Contemporary medicine found the following moments in the evolution of intrauterine fetal: “ 1 . At 18 days of pregnancy, the fetal heartbeat can be perceived and it starts running the circulatory system; 2 . At 5 weeks, they become more clear: the nose, cheeks and fingers of the fetus; 3 . At 6 weeks, they start to function: the nervous system, stomach, kidneys and liver of the fetus, and its skeleton is clearly distinguished; 4 . At 7 weeks (50 days), brain waves are felt. The fetus has all the internal and external organs definitively outlined. 5 . At 10 weeks (70 days), the unborn child has all the features clearly defined as a child after birth (9 months); 6 . At 12 weeks (92 days, 3 months), the fetus has all organs definitely shaped, managing to move, lacking only the breath” [ 6 ]. Even if most of the laws that allow abortion consider the period up to 12 weeks acceptable for such an intervention, according to the above-mentioned steps, there can be defined different moments, which can represent the beginning of life. Nowadays, “abortion is one of the most common gynecological experiences and perhaps the majority of women will undergo an abortion in their lifetimes” [ 7 ]. “Safe abortions carry few health risks, but « every year, close to 20 million women risk their lives and health by undergoing unsafe abortions » and 25% will face a complication with permanent consequences” [ 8 , 9 ].

From the ethical point of view, most of the times, the interruption of pregnancy is on the border between woman’s right over her own body and the child’s (fetus) entitlement to life. Judith Jarvis Thomson supported the supremacy of woman’s right over her own body as a premise of freedom, arguing that we cannot force a person to bear in her womb and give birth to an unwanted child, if for different circumstances, she does not want to do this [ 10 ]. To support his position, the author uses an imaginary experiment, that of a violinist to which we are connected for nine months, in order to save his life. However, Thomson debates the problem of the differentiation between the fetus and the human being, by carrying out a debate on the timing which makes this difference (period of conception, 10 weeks of pregnancy, etc.) and highlighting that for people who support abortion, the fetus is not an alive human being [ 10 ].

Carol Gilligan noted that women undergo a true “moral dilemma”, a “moral conflict” with regards to voluntary interruption of pregnancy, such a decision often takes into account the human relationships, the possibility of not hurting the others, the responsibility towards others [ 11 ]. Gilligan applied qualitative interviews to a number of 29 women from different social classes, which were put in a position to decide whether or not to commit abortion. The interview focused on the woman’s choice, on alternative options, on individuals and existing conflicts. The conclusion was that the central moral issue was the conflict between the self (the pregnant woman) and others who may be hurt as a result of the potential pregnancy [ 12 ].

From the religious point of view, abortion is unacceptable for all religions and a small number of abortions can be seen in deeply religious societies and families. Christianity considers the beginning of human life from conception, and abortion is considered to be a form of homicide [ 13 ]. For Christians, “at the same time, abortion is giving up their faith”, riot and murder, which means that by an abortion we attack Jesus Christ himself and God [ 14 ]. Islam does not approve abortion, relying on the sacral life belief as specified in Chapter 6, Verse 151 of the Koran: “Do not kill a soul which Allah has made sacred (inviolable)” [ 15 ]. Buddhism considers abortion as a negative act, but nevertheless supports for medical reasons [ 16 ]. Judaism disapproves abortion, Tanah considering it to be a mortal sin. Hinduism considers abortion as a crime and also the greatest sin [ 17 ].

From the socio-economic point of view, the decision to carry out an abortion is many times determined by the relations within the social, family or financial frame. Moreover, studies have been conducted, which have linked the legalization of abortions and the decrease of the crime rate: “legalized abortion may lead to reduced crime either through reductions in cohort sizes or through lower per capita offending rates for affected cohorts” [ 18 ].

Legal regulation on abortion establishes conditions of the abortion in every state. In Europe and America, only in the XVIIth century abortion was incriminated and was considered an insignificant misdemeanor or a felony, depending on when was happening. Due to the large number of illegal abortions and deaths, two centuries later, many states have changed legislation within the meaning of legalizing voluntary interruption of pregnancy [ 6 ]. In contemporary society, international organizations like the United Nations or the European Union consider sexual and reproductive rights as fundamental rights [ 19 , 20 ], and promotes the acceptance of abortion as part of those rights. However, not all states have developed permissive legislation in the field of voluntary interruption of pregnancy.

Currently, at national level were established four categories of legislation on pregnancy interruption area:

( i )  Prohibitive legislations , ones that do not allow abortion, most often outlining exceptions in abortion in cases where the pregnant woman’s life is endangered. In some countries, there is a prohibition of abortion in all circumstances, however, resorting to an abortion in the case of an imminent threat to the mother’s life. Same regulation is also found in some countries where abortion is allowed in cases like rape, incest, fetal problems, etc. In this category are 66 states, with 25.5% of world population [ 21 ].

( ii )  Restrictive legislation that allow abortion in cases of health preservation . Loosely, the term “health” should be interpreted according to the World Health Organization (WHO) definition as: “health is a state of complete physical, mental and social wellbeing and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity” [ 22 ]. This type of legislation is adopted in 59 states populated by 13.8% of the world population [ 21 ].

( iii )  Legislation allowing abortion on a socio-economic motivation . This category includes items such as the woman’s age or ability to care for a child, fetal problems, cases of rape or incest, etc. In this category are 13 countries, where we have 21.3% of the world population [ 21 ].

( iv )  Legislation which do not impose restrictions on abortion . In the case of this legislation, abortion is permitted for any reason up to 12 weeks of pregnancy, with some exceptions (Romania – 14 weeks, Slovenia – 10 weeks, Sweden – 18 weeks), the interruption of pregnancy after this period has some restrictions. This type of legislation is adopted in 61 countries with 39.5% of the world population [21].

The Centre for Reproductive Rights has carried out from 1998 a map of the world’s states, based on the legislation typology of each country (Figure ​ (Figure1 1 ).

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc.
Object name is RJME-61-1-283-fig1.jpg

The analysis of states according to the legislation regarding abortion. Source: Centre for Reproductive Rights. The World’s Abortion Laws, 2018 [ 23 ]

An unplanned pregnancy, socio-economic context or various medical problems [ 24 ], lead many times to the decision of interrupting pregnancy, regardless the legislative restrictions. In the study “Unsafe abortion: global and regional estimates of the incidence of unsafe abortion and associated mortality in 2008” issued in 2011 by the WHO , it was determined that within the states with restrictive legislation on abortion, we may also encounter a large number of illegal abortions. The illegal abortions may also be resulting in an increased risk of woman’s health and life considering that most of the times inappropriate techniques are being used, the hygienic conditions are precarious and the medical treatments are incorrectly administered [ 25 ]. Although abortions done according to medical guidelines carry very low risk of complications, 1–3 unsafe abortions contribute substantially to maternal morbidity and death worldwide [ 26 ].

WHO has estimated for the year 2008, the fact that worldwide women between the ages of 15 and 44 years carried out 21.6 million “unsafe” abortions, which involved a high degree of risk and were distributed as follows: 0.4 million in the developed regions and a number of 21.2 million in the states in course of development [ 25 ].

Case study: Romania

Legal perspective on abortion

In Romania, abortion was brought under regulation by the first Criminal Code of the United Principalities, from 1864.

The Criminal Code from 1864, provided the abortion infringement in Article 246, on which was regulated as follows: “Any person, who, using means such as food, drinks, pills or any other means, which will consciously help a pregnant woman to commit abortion, will be punished to a minimum reclusion (three years).

The woman who by herself shall use the means of abortion, or would accept to use means of abortion which were shown or given to her for this purpose, will be punished with imprisonment from six months to two years, if the result would be an abortion. In a situation where abortion was carried out on an illegitimate baby by his mother, the punishment will be imprisonment from six months to one year.

Doctors, surgeons, health officers, pharmacists (apothecary) and midwives who will indicate, will give or will facilitate these means, shall be punished with reclusion of at least four years, if the abortion took place. If abortion will cause the death of the mother, the punishment will be much austere of four years” (Art. 246) [ 27 ].

The Criminal Code from 1864, reissued in 1912, amended in part the Article 246 for the purposes of eliminating the abortion of an illegitimate baby case. Furthermore, it was no longer specified the minimum of four years of reclusion, in case of abortion carried out with the help of the medical staff, leaving the punishment to the discretion of the Court (Art. 246) [ 28 ].

The Criminal Code from 1936 regulated abortion in the Articles 482–485. Abortion was defined as an interruption of the normal course of pregnancy, being punished as follows:

“ 1 . When the crime is committed without the consent of the pregnant woman, the punishment was reformatory imprisonment from 2 to 5 years. If it caused the pregnant woman any health injury or a serious infirmity, the punishment was reformatory imprisonment from 3 to 6 years, and if it has caused her death, reformatory imprisonment from 7 to 10 years;

2 . When the crime was committed by the unmarried pregnant woman by herself, or when she agreed that someone else should provoke the abortion, the punishment is reformatory imprisonment from 3 to 6 months, and if the woman is married, the punishment is reformatory imprisonment from 6 months to one year. Same penalty applies also to the person who commits the crime with the woman’s consent. If abortion was committed for the purpose of obtaining a benefit, the punishment increases with another 2 years of reformatory imprisonment.

If it caused the pregnant woman any health injuries or a severe disablement, the punishment will be reformatory imprisonment from one to 3 years, and if it has caused her death, the punishment is reformatory imprisonment from 3 to 5 years” (Art. 482) [ 29 ].

The criminal legislation from 1936 specifies that it is not considered as an abortion the interruption from the normal course of pregnancy, if it was carried out by a doctor “when woman’s life was in imminent danger or when the pregnancy aggravates a woman’s disease, putting her life in danger, which could not be removed by other means and it is obvious that the intervention wasn’t performed with another purpose than that of saving the woman’s life” and “when one of the parents has reached a permanent alienation and it is certain that the child will bear serious mental flaws” (Art. 484, Par. 1 and Par. 2) [ 29 ].

In the event of an imminent danger, the doctor was obliged to notify prosecutor’s office in writing, within 48 hours after the intervention, on the performance of the abortion. “In the other cases, the doctor was able to intervene only with the authorization of the prosecutor’s office, given on the basis of a medical certificate from hospital or a notice given as a result of a consultation between the doctor who will intervene and at least a professor doctor in the disease which caused the intervention. General’s Office Prosecutor, in all cases provided by this Article, shall be obliged to maintain the confidentiality of all communications or authorizations, up to the intercession of any possible complaints” (Art. 484) [ 29 ].

The legislation of 1936 provided a reformatory injunction from one to three years for the abortions committed by doctors, sanitary agents, pharmacists, apothecary or midwives (Art. 485) [ 29 ].

Abortion on demand has been legalized for the first time in Romania in the year 1957 by the Decree No. 463, under the condition that it had to be carried out in a hospital and to be carried out in the first quarter of the pregnancy [ 30 ]. In the year 1966, demographic policy of Romania has dramatically changed by introducing the Decree No. 770 from September 29 th , which prohibited abortion. Thus, the voluntary interruption of pregnancy became a crime, with certain exceptions, namely: endangering the mother’s life, physical or mental serious disability; serious or heritable illness, mother’s age over 45 years, if the pregnancy was a result of rape or incest or if the woman gave birth to at least four children who were still in her care (Art. 2) [ 31 ].

In the Criminal Code from 1968, the abortion crime was governed by Articles 185–188.

The Article 185, “the illegal induced abortion”, stipulated that “the interruption of pregnancy by any means, outside the conditions permitted by law, with the consent of the pregnant woman will be punished with imprisonment from one to 3 years”. The act referred to above, without the prior consent from the pregnant woman, was punished with prison from two to five years. If the abortion carried out with the consent of the pregnant woman caused any serious body injury, the punishment was imprisonment from two to five years, and when it caused the death of the woman, the prison sentence was from five to 10 years. When abortion was carried out without the prior consent of the woman, if it caused her a serious physical injury, the punishment was imprisonment from three to six years, and if it caused the woman’s death, the punishment was imprisonment from seven to 12 years (Art. 185) [ 32 ].

“When abortion was carried out in order to obtain a material benefit, the maximum punishment was increased by two years, and if the abortion was made by a doctor, in addition to the prison punishment could also be applied the prohibition to no longer practice the profession of doctor”.

Article 186, “abortion caused by the woman”, stipulated that “the interruption of the pregnancy course, committed by the pregnant woman, was punished with imprisonment from 6 months to 2 years”, quoting the fact that by the same punishment was also sanctioned “the pregnant woman’s act to consent in interrupting the pregnancy course made out by another person” (Art. 186) [ 26 ].

The Regulations of the Criminal Code in 1968, also provided the crime of “ownership of tools or materials that can cause abortion”, the conditions of this holding being met when these types of instruments were held outside the hospital’s specialized institutions, the infringement shall be punished with imprisonment from three months to one year (Art. 187) [ 32 ].

Furthermore, the doctors who performed an abortion in the event of extreme urgency, without prior legal authorization and if they did not announce the competent authority within the legal deadline, they were punished by imprisonment from one month to three months (Art. 188) [ 32 ].

In the year 1985, it has been issued the Decree No. 411 of December 26 th , by which the conditions imposed by the Decree No. 770 of 1966 have been hardened, meaning that it has increased the number of children, that a woman could have in order to request an abortion, from four to five children [ 33 ].

The Articles 185–188 of the Criminal Code and the Decree No. 770/1966 on the interruption of the pregnancy course have been abrogated by Decree-Law No. 1 from December 26 th , 1989, which was published in the Official Gazette No. 4 of December 27 th , 1989 (Par. 8 and Par. 12) [ 34 ].

The Criminal Code from 1968, reissued in 1997, maintained Article 185 about “the illegal induced abortion”, but drastically modified. Thus, in this case of the Criminal Code, we identify abortion as “the interruption of pregnancy course, by any means, committed in any of the following circumstances: ( a ) outside medical institutions or authorized medical practices for this purpose; ( b ) by a person who does not have the capacity of specialized doctor; ( c ) if age pregnancy has exceeded 14 weeks”, the punishment laid down was the imprisonment from 6 months to 3 years” (Art. 185, Par. 1) [ 35 ]. For the abortion committed without the prior consent of the pregnant woman, the punishment consisted in strict prison conditions from two to seven years and with the prohibition of certain rights (Art. 185, Par. 2) [ 35 ].

For the situation of causing serious physical injury to the pregnant woman, the punishment was strict prison from three to 10 years and the removal of certain rights, and if it had as a result the death of the pregnant woman, the punishment was strict prison from five to 15 years and the prohibition of certain rights (Art. 185, Par. 3) [ 35 ].

The attempt was punished for the crimes specified in the various cases of abortion.

Consideration should also be given in the Criminal Code reissued in 1997 for not punishing the interruption of the pregnancy course carried out by the doctor, if this interruption “was necessary to save the life, health or the physical integrity of the pregnant woman from a grave and imminent danger and that it could not be removed otherwise; in the case of a over fourteen weeks pregnancy, when the interruption of the pregnancy course should take place from therapeutic reasons” and even in a situation of a woman’s lack of consent, when it has not been given the opportunity to express her will, and abortion “was imposed by therapeutic reasons” (Art. 185, Par. 4) [ 35 ].

Criminal Code from 2004 covers abortion in Article 190, defined in the same way as in the prior Criminal Code, with the difference that it affects the limits of the punishment. So, in the event of pregnancy interruption, in accordance with the conditions specified in Paragraph 1, “the penalty provided was prison time from 6 months to one year or days-fine” (Art. 190, Par. 1) [ 36 ].

Nowadays, in Romania, abortion is governed by the criminal law of 2009, which entered into force in 2014, by the section called “aggression against an unborn child”. It should be specified that current criminal law does not punish the woman responsible for carrying out abortion, but only the person who is involved in carrying out the abortion. There is no punishment for the pregnant woman who injures her fetus during pregnancy.

In Article 201, we can find the details on the pregnancy interruption infringement. Thus, the pregnancy interruption can be performed in one of the following circumstances: “outside of medical institutions or medical practices authorized for this purpose; by a person who does not have the capacity of specialist doctor in Obstetrics and Gynecology and the right of free medical practice in this specialty; if gestational age has exceeded 14 weeks”, the punishment is the imprisonment for six months to three years, or fine and the prohibition to exercise certain rights (Art. 201, Par. 1) [ 37 ].

Article 201, Paragraph 2 specifies that “the interruption of the pregnancy committed under any circumstances, without the prior consent of the pregnant woman, can be punished with imprisonment from 2 to 7 years and with the prohibition to exercise some rights” (Art. 201, Par. 1) [ 37 ].

If by facts referred to above (Art. 201, Par. 1 and Par. 2) [ 37 ] “it has caused the pregnant woman’s physical injury, the punishment is the imprisonment from 3 to 10 years and the prohibition to exercise some rights, and if it has had as a result the pregnant woman’s death, the punishment is the imprisonment from 6 to 12 years and the prohibition to exercise some rights” (Art. 201, Par. 3) [ 37 ]. When the facts have been committed by a doctor, “in addition to the imprisonment punishment, it will also be applied the prohibition to exercise the profession of doctor (Art. 201, Par. 4) [ 37 ].

Criminal legislation specifies that “the interruption of pregnancy does not constitute an infringement with the purpose of a treatment carried out by a specialist doctor in Obstetrics and Gynecology, until the pregnancy age of twenty-four weeks is reached, or the subsequent pregnancy interruption, for the purpose of treatment, is in the interests of the mother or the fetus” (Art. 201, Par. 6) [ 37 ]. However, it can all be found in the phrases “therapeutic purposes” and “the interest of the mother and of the unborn child”, which predisposes the text of law to an interpretation, finally the doctors are the only ones in the position to decide what should be done in such cases, assuming direct responsibility [ 38 ].

Article 202 of the Criminal Code defines the crime of harming an unborn child, pointing out the punishments for the various types of injuries that can occur during pregnancy or in the childbirth period and which can be caused by the mother or by the persons who assist the birth, with the specification that the mother who harms her fetus during pregnancy is not punished and does not constitute an infringement if the injury has been committed during pregnancy or during childbirth period if the facts have been “committed by a doctor or by an authorized person to assist the birth or to follow the pregnancy, if they have been committed in the course of the medical act, complying with the specific provisions of his profession and have been made in the interest of the pregnant woman or fetus, as a result of the exercise of an inherent risk in the medical act” (Art. 202, Par. 6) [ 37 ].

The fact situation in Romania

During the period 1948–1955, called “the small baby boom” [ 39 ], Romania registered an average fertility rate of 3.23 children for a woman. Between 1955 and 1962, the fertility rate has been less than three children for a woman, and in 1962, fertility has reached an average of two children for a woman. This phenomenon occurred because of the Decree No. 463/1957 on liberalization of abortion. After the liberalization from 1957, the abortion rate has increased from 220 abortions per 100 born-alive children in the year 1960, to 400 abortions per 100 born-alive children, in the year 1965 [ 40 ].

The application of provisions of Decrees No. 770 of 1966 and No. 411 of 1985 has led to an increase of the birth rate in the first three years (an average of 3.7 children in 1967, and 3.6 children in 1968), followed by a regression until 1989, when it was recorded an average of 2.2 children, but also a maternal death rate caused by illegal abortions, raising up to 85 deaths of 100 000 births in the year of 1965, and 170 deaths in 1983. It was estimated that more than 80% of maternal deaths between 1980–1989 was caused by legal constraints [ 30 ].

After the Romanian Revolution in December 1989 and after the communism fall, with the abrogation of Articles 185–188 of the Criminal Code and of the Decree No. 770/1966, by the Decree of Law No. 1 of December 26 th , 1989, abortion has become legal in Romania and so, in the following years, it has reached the highest rate of abortion in Europe. Subsequently, the number of abortion has dropped gradually, with increasing use of birth control [ 41 ].

Statistical data issued by the Ministry of Health and by the National Institute of Statistics (INS) in Romania show corresponding figures to a legally carried out abortion. The abortion number is much higher, if it would take into account the number of illegal abortion, especially those carried out before 1989, and those carried out in private clinics, after the year 1990. Summing the declared abortions in the period 1958–2014, it is to be noted the number of them, 22 037 747 exceeds the current Romanian population. A detailed statistical research of abortion rate, in terms of years we have exposed in Table ​ Table1 1 .

The number of abortions declared in Romania in the period 1958–2016

1958

112 100

1970

292 410

1982

468 041

1994

530 191

2006

150 246

1959

578 000

1971

330 000

1983

1995

502 840

2007

137 226

1960

774 000

1972

381 000

1984

303 123

1996

456 221

2008

137 226

1961

865 000

1973

376 000

1985

302 838

1997

347 126

2009

115 457

1962

967 000

1974

335 000

1986

183 959

1998

271 496

2010

101 915

1963

1 037 000

1975

359 417

1987

182 442

1999

259 888

2011

101 915

1964

1 100 000

1976

383 000

1988

185 416

2000

257 865

2012

88 135

1965

1 115 000

1977

379 000

1989

193 084

2001

254 855

2013

86 432

1966

973 000

1978

394 000

1990

992 265

2002

247 608

2014

78 371

1967

206 000

1979

404 000

1991

866 934

2003

224 807

2015

70 447

1968

220 000

1980

413 093

1992

691 863

2004

191 038

2016

63 085

1969

258 000

1981

1993

585 761

2005

163 459

 

 

Source: Pro Vita Association (Bucharest, Romania), National Institute of Statistics (INS – Romania), EUROSTAT [ 42 , 43 , 44 ]

Data issued by the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) in June 2016, for the period 1989–2014, in matters of reproductive behavior, indicates a fertility rate for Romania with a continuous decrease, in proportion to the decrease of the number of births, but also a lower number of abortion rate reported to 100 deliveries (Table ​ (Table2 2 ).

Reproductive behavior in Romania in 1989–2014

Total fertility rate (births per woman)

2.2

1.8

1.6

1.5

1.4

1.4

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.2

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.4

1.3

1.0

1.36

1.40

1.44

Live births (1000s)

369.5

314.7

275.3

260.4

250.0

246.7

236.6

231.3

236.9

237.3

234.6

234.5

220.4

210.5

212.5

216.3

221.0

219.5

214.7

221.9

222.4

212.2

196.2

201.1

182.3

183.7

Abortion rate (legally induced abortions per 100 live births)

315.3

314.9

265.7

234.3

214.9

212.5

197.2

146.5

114.4

110.8

110.0

115.6

117.6

105.8

88.3

73.9

68.5

63.9

57.6

52.2

48.0

52.7

43.7

47.2

42.7

Source: United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), Transformative Monitoring for Enhanced Equity (TransMonEE) Data. Country profiles: Romania, 1989–2015 [ 45 ].

By analyzing data issued for the period 1990–2015 by the International Organization of Health , UNICEF , United Nations Fund for Population Activity (UNFPA), The World Bank and the United Nations Population Division, it is noticed that maternal mortality rate has currently dropped as compared with 1990 (Table ​ (Table3 3 ).

Maternal mortality estimation in Romania in 1990–2015

2015

31 [22–44]

56

179

1.1

2010

30 [26–35]

61

202

1.2

2005

33 [28–38]

71

217

1.1

2000

51 [44–58]

110

222

1.5

1995

77 [66–88]

180

241

2.1

1990

124 [108–141]

390

318

5.2

Source: World Health Organization (WHO), Global Health Observatory Data. Maternal mortality country profiles: Romania, 2015 [ 46 ].

Opinion survey: women’s opinion on abortion

Argument for choosing the research theme

Although the problematic on abortion in Romania has been extensively investigated and debated, it has not been carried out in an ample sociological study, covering Romanian women’s perception on abortion. We have assumed making a study at national level, in order to identify the opinion on abortion, on the motivation to carry out an abortion, and to identify the correlation between religious convictions and the attitude toward abortion.

Examining the literature field of study

In the conceptual register of the research, we have highlighted items, such as the specialized literature, legislation, statistical documents.

Formulation of hypotheses and objectives

The first hypothesis was that Romanian women accept abortion, having an open attitude towards this act. Thus, the first objective of the research was to identify Romanian women’s attitude towards abortion.

The second hypothesis, from which we started, was that high religious beliefs generate a lower tolerance towards abortion. Thus, the second objective of our research has been to identify the correlation between the religious beliefs and the attitude towards abortion.

The third hypothesis of the survey was that, the main motivation in carrying out an abortion is the fact that a woman does not want a baby, and the main motivation for keeping the pregnancy is that the person wants a baby. In this context, the third objective of the research was to identify main motivation in carrying out an abortion and in maintaining a pregnancy.

Another hypothesis was that modern Romanian legislation on the abortion is considered fair. Based on this hypothesis, we have assumed the fourth objective, which is to identify the degree of satisfaction towards the current regulatory provisions governing the abortion.

Research methodology

The research method is that of a sociological survey by the application of the questionnaire technique. We used the sampling by age and residence looking at representative numbers of population from more developed as well as underdeveloped areas.

Determination of the sample to be studied

Because abortion is a typical women’s experience, we have chosen to make the quantitative research only among women. We have constructed the sample by selecting a number of 1260 women between the ages of 15 and 44 years (the most frequently encountered age among women who give birth to a child). We also used the quota sampling techniques, taking into account the following variables: age group and the residence (urban/rural), so that the persons included in the sample could retain characteristic of the general population.

By the sample of 1260 women, we have made a percentage of investigation of 0.03% of the total population.

The Questionnaires number applied was distributed as follows (Table ​ (Table4 4 ).

The sampling rates based on the age, and the region of residence

Women in North-West

Urban

37 898

58 839

50 527

54 944

53 962

60 321

316 491

Rural

36 033

37 667

36 515

41 837

43 597

42 877

238 526

Sample in North-West

Urban

11

18

15

17

16

18

95

Rural

11

11

11

13

13

13

72

Women in the Center

Urban

32 661

46 697

46 713

54 031

52 590

59 084

291 776

Rural

29 052

31 767

29 562

34 402

35 334

35 502

195 619

Sample in the Center

Urban

10

14

14

16

16

18

88

Rural

9

9

9

10

11

11

59

Women in North-East

Urban

38 243

50 228

45 924

51 818

49 959

63 157

299 329

Rural

63 466

51 814

47 524

60 495

67 009

65 717

356 025

Sample in North-East

Urban

11

15

14

16

15

19

90

Rural

19

16

14

18

20

20

107

Women in South-East

Urban

31 556

40 879

43 317

53 461

53 756

67 135

290 104

Rural

34 494

32 446

29 987

37 828

41 068

42 836

218 659

Sample in South-East

Urban

10

12

13

16

16

20

87

Rural

10

10

9

11

12

13

65

Women in South Muntenia

Urban

30 480

38 066

40 049

47 820

49 272

64 739

270 426

Rural

52 771

55 286

49 106

60 496

67 660

74 401

359 720

Sample in South Muntenia

Urban

9

11

12

14

15

19

80

Rural

16

17

15

18

20

22

108

Women in Bucharest–Ilfov

Urban

41 314

83 927

90 607

102 972

86 833

98 630

504 283

Rural

5385

7448

7952

9997

9400

10 096

50 278

Sample in Bucharest–Ilfov

Urban

12

25

27

31

26

30

151

Rural

2

2

2

3

3

3

15

Women in South-West Oltenia

Urban

26 342

31 155

33 493

39 064

39 615

50 516

220 185

Rural

31 223

29 355

26 191

32 946

36 832

40 351

196 898

Sample in South-West Oltenia

Urban

8

9

10

12

12

15

66

Rural

9

9

8

10

11

12

59

Women in West

Urban

30 258

45 687

39 583

44 808

44 834

54 155

259 325

Rural

19 205

20 761

19 351

22 788

24 333

26 792

133 230

Sample in West

Urban

9

14

12

13

14

16

78

Rural

6

6

6

7

7

8

40

Total women

540 381

662 022

636 401

749 707

756 054

856 309

4 200 874

Total sample

162

198

191

225

227

257

1260

Source: Sample built, based on the population data issued by the National Institute of Statistics (INS – Romania) based on population census conducted in 2011 [ 47 ].

Data collection

Data collection was carried out by questionnaires administered by 32 field operators between May 1 st –May 31 st , 2018.

The analysis of the research results

In the next section, we will present the main results of the quantitative research carried out at national level.

Almost three-quarters of women included in the sample agree with carrying out an abortion in certain circumstances (70%) and only 24% have chosen to support the answer “ No, never ”. In modern contemporary society, abortion is the first solution of women for which a pregnancy is not desired. Even if advanced medical techniques are a lot safer, an abortion still carries a health risk. However, 6% of respondents agree with carrying out abortion regardless of circumstances (Table ​ (Table5 5 ).

Opinion on the possibility of carrying out an abortion

 

Yes, under certain circumstances

70%

No, never

24%

Yes, regardless the situation

6%

Total

100%

Although abortions carried out after 14 weeks are illegal, except for medical reasons, more than half of the surveyed women stated they would agree with abortion in certain circumstances. At the opposite pole, 31% have mentioned they would never agree on abortions after 14 weeks. Five percent were totally accepting the idea of abortion made to a pregnancy that has exceeded 14 weeks (Table ​ (Table6 6 ).

Opinion on the possibility of carrying out an abortion after the period of 14 weeks of pregnancy

 

Yes, under certain circumstances

64%

No, never

31%

Yes, regardless the situation

5%

Total

100%

For 53% of respondents, abortion is considered a crime as well as the right of a women. On the other hand, 28% of the women considered abortion as a crime and 16% associate abortion with a woman’s right (Table ​ (Table7 7 ).

Opinion on abortion: at the border between crime and a woman’s right

 

A crime and a woman’s right

53%

A crime

28%

A woman’s right

16%

I don’t know

2%

I don’t answer

1%

Total

100%

Opinions on what women abort at the time of the voluntary pregnancy interruption are split in two: 59% consider that it depends on the time of the abortion, and more specifically on the pregnancy development stage, 24% consider that regardless of the period in which it is carried out, women abort a child, and 14% have opted a fetus (Table ​ (Table8 8 ).

Abortion of a child vs. abortion of a fetus

 

Both, depending on the moment when the abortion takes place

59%

A child

24%

A fetus

14%

I don’t answer

3%

Total

100%

Among respondents who consider that women abort a child or a fetus related to the time of abortion, 37.5% have considered that the difference between a baby and a fetus appears after 14 weeks of pregnancy (the period legally accepted for abortion). Thirty-three percent of them have mentioned that the distinction should be performed at the first few heartbeats; 18.1% think it is about when the child has all the features definitively outlined and can move by himself; 2.8% consider that the difference appears when the first encephalopathy traces are being felt and the child has formed all internal and external organs. A percentage of 1.7% of respondents consider that this difference occurs at the beginning of the central nervous system, and 1.4% when the unborn child has all the features that we can clearly see to a newborn child (Table ​ (Table9 9 ).

The opinion on the moment that makes the difference between a fetus and a child

 

Over 14 weeks (the period legally accepted for abortion)

37.5%

From the very first heart beat (18 days)

33.3%

When the child has all organs contoured and can move by himself (12 weeks)

18.1%

When the first encephalon traces are being felt and the child has formed all internal and external organs (seven weeks)

2.8%

At the beginning of the central nervous system, liver, kidneys, stomach (six weeks)

1.7%

When the unborn child has all the characteristics that we can clearly observe to a child after birth

1.4%

When you can clearly distinguish his features (nose, cheeks, eyes) (five weeks)

1.2%

Other

1%

I don’t know

3%

Total

100%

We noticed that highly religious people make a clear association between abortion and crime. They also consider that at the time of pregnancy interruption it is aborted a child and not a fetus. However, unexpectedly, we noticed that 27% of the women, who declare themselves to be very religious, have also stated that they see abortion as a crime but also as a woman’s right. Thirty-one percent of the women, who also claimed profound religious beliefs, consider that abortion may be associated with the abortion of a child but also of a fetus, this depending on the time of abortion (Tables ​ (Tables10 10 and ​ and11 11 ).

The correlation between the level of religious beliefs and the perspective on abortion seen as a crime or a right

 

A woman’s right

A crime

Both depending on the moment when it took place

Not know

No

Are you a religious person?

A very religious and practicant person

1%

11%

12%

24%

A very religious but non practicant person

4%

7%

15%

1%

27%

A relatively religious and practicant person

5%

6%

13%

24%

Relatively religious but non practicant person

6%

4%

13%

2%

25%

Total

16%

28%

53%

2%

1%

100%

The correlation between the level of religious beliefs and the perspective on abortion procedure conducted on a fetus or a child

 

A fetus

A child

Both depending on the time of abortion

Not know

Are you a religious person?

A very religious and practicant person

2%

8%

14%

24%

A very religious but non practicant person

3%

7%

17%

27%

A relatively religious and practicant person

4%

5%

16%

3%

28%

Relatively religious but non practicant person

5%

4%

12%

3%

24%

Total

14%

24%

59%

6%

100%

More than half of the respondents have opted for the main reason for abortion the appearance of medical problems to the child. Baby’s health represents the main concern of future mothers, and of each parent, and the birth of a child with serious health issues, is a factor which frightens any future parent, being many times, at least theoretically, one good reason for opting for abortion. At the opposite side, 12% of respondents would not choose abortion under any circumstances. Other reasons for which women would opt for an abortion are: if the woman would have a medical problem (22%) or would not want the child (10%) (Table ​ (Table12 12 ).

Potential reasons for carrying out an abortion

 

If the child would have a medical problem (genetic or developmental abnormalities of fetus)

55%

If I would have a medical problem

22%

In any of these situations, I would abort

12%

If the child would not be desired

10%

I don’t know

1%

Total

100%

Most of the women want to give birth to a child, 56% of the respondents, representing also the reason that would determine them to keep the child. Morality (26%), faith (10%) or legal restrictions (4%), are the three other reasons for which women would not interrupt a pregnancy. Only 2% of the respondents have mentioned other reasons such as health or age.

A percentage of 23% of the surveyed people said that they have done an abortion so far, and 77% did not opted for a surgical intervention either because there was no need, or because they have kept the pregnancy (Table ​ (Table13 13 ).

Rate of abortion among women in the sample

 

No

77%

Yes

23%

Total

100%

Most respondents, 87% specified that they have carried out an abortion during the first 14 weeks – legally accepted limit for abortion: 43.6% have made abortion in the first four weeks, 39.1% between weeks 4–8, and 4.3% between weeks 8–14. It should be noted that 8.7% could not appreciate the pregnancy period in which they carried out abortion, by opting to answer with the option “ I don’t know ”, and a percentage of 4.3% refused to answer to this question.

Performing an abortion is based on many reasons, but the fact that the women have not wanted a child is the main reason mentioned by 47.8% of people surveyed, who have done minimum an abortion so far. Among the reasons for the interruption of pregnancy, it is also included: women with medical problems (13.3%), not the right time to be a mother (10.7%), age motivation (8.7%), due to medical problems of the child (4.3%), the lack of money (4.3%), family pressure (4.3%), partner/spouse did not wanted. A percentage of 3.3% of women had different reasons for abortion, as follows: age difference too large between children, career, marital status, etc. Asked later whether they regretted the abortion, a rate of 69.6% of women who said they had at least one abortion regret it (34.8% opted for “ Yes ”, and 34.8% said “ Yes, partially ”). 26.1% of surveyed women do not regret the choice to interrupted the pregnancy, and 4.3% chose to not answer this question. We noted that, for women who have already experienced abortion, the causes were more diverse than the grounds on which the previous question was asked: “What are the reasons that determined you to have an abortion?” (Table ​ (Table14 14 ).

The reasons that led the women in the sample to have an abortion

 

I did not desired the child

47.8%

Because of my medical problems

13.3%

It was not the right time

10.7%

I was too young

8.7%

Because the child had health problems (genetic or developmental abnormalities of fetus)

4.3%

Because I did not have financial resources (I couldn’t afford raising a child)

4.3%

Because of the pressure of my family

4.3%

The partner/husband did not wanted

4.3%

Other reasons

3.3%

Total

100%

The majority of the respondents (37.5%) considered that “nervous depression” is the main consequence of abortion, followed by “insomnia and nightmares” (24.6%), “disorders in alimentation” and “affective disorders” (each for 7.7% of respondents), “deterioration of interpersonal relationships” and “the feeling of guilt”(for 6.3% of the respondents), “sexual disorders” and “panic attacks” (for 6.3% of the respondents) (Table ​ (Table15 15 ).

Opinion on the consequences of abortion

 

Nervous depression

37.5%

Insomnia and nightmares

24.6%

Disorders in alimentation

7.7%

Affective disorders

7.7%

Deterioration of interpersonal relationships

6.3%

The feeling of guilt

6.3%

Sexual disorders

3.3%

Panic attacks

3.3%

Other reasons

3.3%

Total

100%

Over half of the respondents believe that abortion should be legal in certain circumstances, as currently provided by law, 39% say it should be always legal, and only 6% opted for the illegal option (Table ​ (Table16 16 ).

Opinion on the legal regulation of abortion

 

Legal in certain terms

53%

Always legal

39%

Illegal

6%

I don’t know

2%

Total

100%

Although the current legislation does not punish pregnant women who interrupt pregnancy or intentionally injured their fetus, survey results indicate that 61% of women surveyed believe that the national law should punish the woman and only 28% agree with the current legislation (Table ​ (Table17 17 ).

Opinion on the possibility of punishing the woman who interrupts the course of pregnancy or injures the fetus

 

Yes

61%

No

28%

I don’t know

7%

I don’t answer

4%

Total

100%

For the majority of the respondents (40.6%), the penalty provided by the current legislation, the imprisonment between six months and three years or a fine and deprivation of certain rights for the illegal abortion is considered fair, for a percentage of 39.6% the punishment is too small for 9.5% of the respondents is too high. Imprisonment between two and seven years and deprivation of certain rights for an abortion performed without the consent of the pregnant woman is considered too small for 65% of interviewees. Fourteen percent of them think it is fair and only 19% of respondents consider that Romanian legislation is too severe with people who commit such an act considering the punishment as too much. The imprisonment from three to 10 years and deprivation of certain rights for the facts described above, if an injury was caused to the woman, is considered to be too small for more than half of those included in the survey, 64% and almost 22% for nearly a quarter of them. Only 9% of the respondents mentioned that this legislative measure is too severe for such actions (Table ​ (Table18 18 ).

Opinion on the regulation of abortion of the Romanian Criminal Code (Art. 201)

Reasonable

40.6%

14%

22%

Too small

39.6%

65%

64%

Too big

9.5%

19%

9%

I don’t know

6.6%

2%

3%

I don’t answer

3.7%

2%

Total

100%

100%

100%

Conclusions

After analyzing the results of the sociological research regarding abortion undertaken at national level, we see that 76% of the Romanian women accept abortion, indicating that the majority accepts only certain circumstances (a certain period after conception, for medical reasons, etc.). A percentage of 64% of the respondents indicated that they accept the idea of abortion after 14 weeks of pregnancy (for solid reasons or regardless the reason). This study shows that over 50% of Romanian women see abortion as a right of women but also a woman’s crime and believe that in the moment of interruption of a pregnancy, a fetus is aborted. Mostly, the association of abortion with crime and with the idea that a child is aborted is frequently found within very religious people. The main motivation for Romanian women in taking the decision not to perform an abortion is that they would want the child, and the main reason to perform an abortion is the child’s medical problems. However, it is noted that, in real situations, in which women have already done at least one abortion, most women resort to abortion because they did not want the child towards the hypothetical situation in which women felt that the main reason of abortion is a medical problem. Regarding the satisfaction with the current national legislation of the abortion, the situation is rather surprising. A significant percentage (61%) of respondents felt as necessary to punish the woman who performs an illegal abortion, although the legislation does not provide a punishment. On the other hand, satisfaction level to the penalties provided by law for various violations of the legal conditions for conducting abortion is low, on average only 25.5% of respondents are being satisfied with these, the majority (average 56.2%) considering the penalties as unsatisfactory. Understood as a social phenomenon, intensified by human vulnerabilities, of which the most obvious is accepting the comfort [ 48 ], abortion today is no longer, in Romanian society, from a legal or religious perspective, a problem. Perceptions on the legislative sanction, moral and religious will perpetual vary depending on beliefs, environment, education, etc. The only and the biggest social problem of Romania is truly represented by the steadily falling birth rate.

Conflict of interests

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interests.

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  • Politics & Policy
  • Pennsylvania
  • Public Health

The fight for abortion rights gets an unlikely messenger in swing state Pa.: Sen. Bob Casey

Casey’s stance isn’t out of step with many lay catholics. according to pew research center surveys, 56% of u.s. catholics say abortion should be legal in all or most cases..

  • Associated Press

Bob Casey

Sen. Bob Casey, D-Pa., speaks during an event at AFSCME Council 13 offices, March 14, 2024, in Harrisburg, Pa (AP Photo/Marc Levy, file)

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Democrats say doctors — and not the government — should be making such decisions.

Meanwhile, McCormick says he opposes abortion, with three exceptions — rape, incest and to save the life of the mother — and not just one exception, as Casey contends. McCormick also says he wouldn’t vote for a federal abortion ban.

Casey, now in his eighth statewide campaign, has never previously wielded abortion rights as a weapon. He has been on defense, however.

In the 2002 Democratic primary for governor, Casey told a radio interviewer that he favored one exception, to save the life of the mother. But, he said, if the Supreme Court were to overturn Roe v. Wade then he, if elected governor, would sign legislation with all three exceptions, including rape and incest, “and it would have the effect of reducing the number of abortions in the state.”

Casey ultimately lost to Ed Rendell, who received support from the National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League, which ran ads against Casey because of his opposition to abortion rights.

In Senate races, Casey’s Republican opponents have tried to poke holes in his “pro-life” bona fides by pointing out that he opposed proposals to halt federal payments to Planned Parenthood.

Casey in 2006 was first recruited by national Democrats to run when he still wore the label of “pro-life Democrat.” He hasn’t faced a serious primary challenger in his four campaigns for the Senate.

Republicans frame his evolution on the issue as pure politics. They say he changed his position to survive the party’s leftward drift and never truly opposed abortion, like his father did.

“I don’t know how you go from defending life to the ad he’s running against Dave McCormick,” said Matt Beynon, a Republican strategist who worked on Lou Barletta’s  losing campaign  against Casey in 2018.

Democratic strategists insist that Casey’s evolution is natural and reflects a generational shift in which abortion is discussed alongside health care and contraception.

Christine Jacobs, who founded an organization to help elect Democratic women to Pennsylvania’s Legislature, said Casey has spent years of thinking about it and talking about it with his staff.

Still, Democratic strategists are stumped by the question of whether Casey could have been the party’s unquestioned nominee in 2024 had he supported a ban when the party’s activists were mobilizing over abortion rights.

It’s an academic question now. But Jacobs — who, like Casey, grew up Catholic — thinks there would have been sufficient outrage.

“I think he would have had to pull out,” Jacobs said. “At least, I’d like to think that.”

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National Academies Press: OpenBook

The Safety and Quality of Abortion Care in the United States (2018)

Chapter: 5 conclusions, 5 conclusions.

This report provides a comprehensive review of the state of the science on the safety and quality of abortion services in the United States. The committee was charged with answering eight specific research questions. This chapter presents the committee’s conclusions by responding individually to each question. The research findings that are the basis for these conclusions are presented in the previous chapters. The committee was also asked to offer recommendations regarding the eight questions. However, the committee decided that its conclusions regarding the safety and quality of U.S. abortion care responded comprehensively to the scope of this study. Therefore, the committee does not offer recommendations for specific actions to be taken by policy makers, health care providers, and others.

1. What types of legal abortion services are available in the United States? What is the evidence regarding which services are appropriate under different clinical circumstances (e.g., based on patient medical conditions such as previous cesarean section, obesity, gestational age)?

Four legal abortion methods—medication, 1 aspiration, dilation and evacuation (D&E), and induction—are used in the United States. Length of gestation—measured as the amount of time since the first day of the last

___________________

1 The terms “medication abortion” and “medical abortion” are used interchangeably in the literature. This report uses “medication abortion” to describe the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA)-approved prescription drug regimen used up to 10 weeks’ gestation.

menstrual period—is the primary factor in deciding what abortion procedure is the most appropriate. Both medication and aspiration abortions are used up to 10 weeks’ gestation. Aspiration procedures may be used up to 14 to 16 weeks’ gestation.

Mifepristone, sold under the brand name Mifeprex, is the only medication specifically approved by the FDA for use in medication abortion. The drug’s distribution has been restricted under the requirements of the FDA Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategy program since 2011—it may be dispensed only to patients in clinics, hospitals, or medical offices under the supervision of a certified prescriber. To become a certified prescriber, eligible clinicians must register with the drug’s distributor, Danco Laboratories, and meet certain requirements. Retail pharmacies are prohibited from distributing the drug.

When abortion by aspiration is no longer feasible, D&E and induction methods are used. D&E is the superior method; in comparison, inductions are more painful for women, take significantly more time, and are more costly. However, D&Es are not always available to women. The procedure is illegal in Mississippi 2 and West Virginia 3 (both states allow exceptions in cases of life endangerment or severe physical health risk to the woman). Elsewhere, access to the procedure is limited because many obstetrician/gynecologists (OB/GYNs) and other physicians lack the requisite training to perform D&Es. Physicians’ access to D&E training is very limited or nonexistent in many areas of the country.

Few women are medically ineligible for abortion. There are, however, specific contraindications to using mifepristone for a medication abortion or induction. The drug should not be used for women with confirmed or suspected ectopic pregnancy or undiagnosed adnexal mass; an intrauterine device in place; chronic adrenal failure; concurrent long-term systemic corticosteroid therapy; hemorrhagic disorders or concurrent anticoagulant therapy; allergy to mifepristone, misoprostol, or other prostaglandins; or inherited porphyrias.

Obesity is not a risk factor for women who undergo medication or aspiration abortions (including with the use of moderate intravenous sedation). Research on the association between obesity and complications during a D&E abortion is less certain—particularly for women with Class III obesity (body mass index ≥40) after 14 weeks’ gestation.

A history of a prior cesarean delivery is not a risk factor for women undergoing medication or aspiration abortions, but it may be associated

2 Mississippi Unborn Child Protection from Dismemberment Abortion Act, Mississippi HB 519, Reg. Sess. 2015–2016 (2016).

3 Unborn Child Protection from Dismemberment Abortion Act, West Virginia SB 10, Reg. Sess. 2015–2016 (2016).

with an increased risk of complications during D&E abortions, particularly for women with multiple cesarean deliveries. Because induction abortions are so rare, it is difficult to determine definitively whether a prior cesarean delivery increases the risk of complications. The available research suggests no association.

2. What is the evidence on the physical and mental health risks of these different abortion interventions?

Abortion has been investigated for its potential long-term effects on future childbearing and pregnancy outcomes, risk of breast cancer, mental health disorders, and premature death. The committee found that much of the published literature on these topics does not meet scientific standards for rigorous, unbiased research. Reliable research uses documented records of a prior abortion, analyzes comparable study and control groups, and controls for confounding variables shown to affect the outcome of interest.

Physical health effects The committee identified high-quality research on numerous outcomes of interest and concludes that having an abortion does not increase a woman’s risk of secondary infertility, pregnancy-related hypertensive disorders, abnormal placentation (after a D&E abortion), preterm birth, or breast cancer. Although rare, the risk of very preterm birth (<28 weeks’ gestation) in a woman’s first birth was found to be associated with having two or more prior aspiration abortions compared with first births among women with no abortion history; the risk appears to be associated with the number of prior abortions. Preterm birth is associated with pregnancy spacing after an abortion: it is more likely if the interval between abortion and conception is less than 6 months (this is also true of pregnancy spacing in general). The committee did not find well-designed research on abortion’s association with future ectopic pregnancy, miscarriage or stillbirth, or long-term mortality. Findings on hemorrhage during a subsequent pregnancy are inconclusive.

Mental health effects The committee identified a wide array of research on whether abortion increases women’s risk of depression, anxiety, and/or posttraumatic stress disorder and concludes that having an abortion does not increase a woman’s risk of these mental health disorders.

3. What is the evidence on the safety and quality of medical and surgical abortion care?

Safety The clinical evidence clearly shows that legal abortions in the United States—whether by medication, aspiration, D&E, or induction—are

safe and effective. Serious complications are rare. But the risk of a serious complication increases with weeks’ gestation. As the number of weeks increases, the invasiveness of the required procedure and the need for deeper levels of sedation also increase.

Quality Health care quality is a multidimensional concept. Six attributes of health care quality—safety, effectiveness, patient-centeredness, timeliness, efficiency, and equity—were central to the committee’s review of the quality of abortion care. Table 5-1 details the committee’s conclusions regarding each of these quality attributes. Overall, the committee concludes that the quality of abortion care depends to a great extent on where women live. In many parts of the country, state regulations have created barriers to optimizing each dimension of quality care. The quality of care is optimal when the care is based on current evidence and when trained clinicians are available to provide abortion services.

4. What is the evidence on the minimum characteristics of clinical facilities necessary to effectively and safely provide the different types of abortion interventions?

Most abortions can be provided safely in office-based settings. No special equipment or emergency arrangements are required for medication abortions. For other abortion methods, the minimum facility characteristics depend on the level of sedation that is used. Aspiration abortions are performed safely in office and clinic settings. If moderate sedation is used, the facility should have emergency resuscitation equipment and an emergency transfer plan, as well as equipment to monitor oxygen saturation, heart rate, and blood pressure. For D&Es that involve deep sedation or general anesthesia, the facility should be similarly equipped and also have equipment to provide general anesthesia and monitor ventilation.

Women with severe systemic disease require special measures if they desire or need deep sedation or general anesthesia. These women require further clinical assessment and should have their abortion in an accredited ambulatory surgery center or hospital.

5. What is the evidence on what clinical skills are necessary for health care providers to safely perform the various components of abortion care, including pregnancy determination, counseling, gestational age assessment, medication dispensing, procedure performance, patient monitoring, and follow-up assessment and care?

Required skills All abortion procedures require competent providers skilled in patient preparation (education, counseling, and informed consent);

TABLE 5-1 Does Abortion Care in the United States Meet the Six Attributes of Quality Health Care?

Quality Attribute Definition Committee’s Conclusions
Safety Avoiding injuries to patients from the care that is intended to help them. Legal abortions—whether by medication, aspiration, D&E, or induction—are safe. Serious complications are rare and occur far less frequently than during childbirth. Safety is enhanced when the abortion is performed as early in pregnancy as possible.
Effectiveness Providing services based on scientific knowledge to all who could benefit and refraining from providing services to those not likely to benefit (avoiding underuse and overuse, respectively). Legal abortions—whether by medication, aspiration, D&E, or induction—are effective. The likelihood that women will receive the type of abortion services that best meets their needs varies considerably depending on where they live. In many parts of the country, abortion-specific regulations on the site and nature of care, provider type, provider training, and public funding diminish this dimension of quality care. The regulations may limit the number of available providers, misinform women of the risks of the procedures they are considering, overrule women’s and clinician’s medical decision making, or require medically unnecessary services and delays in care. These include policies that
Quality Attribute Definition Committee’s Conclusions
Patient-Centeredness Providing care that is respectful of and responsive to individual patient preferences, needs, and values and ensuring that patient values guide all clinical decisions. Patients’ personal circumstances and individual preferences (including preferred abortion method), needs, and values may be disregarded depending on where they live (as noted above). The high state-to-state variability regarding the specifics of abortion care may be difficult for patients to understand and navigate. Patients’ ability to be adequately informed in order to make sound medical decisions is impeded when state regulations require that
Timeliness Reducing waits and sometimes harmful delays for both those who receive and those who give care. The timeliness of an abortion depends on a variety of local factors, such as the availability of care, affordability, distance from the provider, and state requirements for an in-person counseling appointment and waiting periods (18 to 72 hours) between counseling and the abortion.
Efficiency Avoiding waste, including waste of equipment, supplies, ideas, and energy. An extensive body of clinical research has led to important refinements and improvements in the procedures, techniques, and methods for performing abortions. The extent to which abortion care is delivered efficiently depends, in part, on the alignment of state regulations with current evidence on best practices. Regulations that require medically unnecessary equipment, services, and/or additional patient visits increase cost, and thus decrease efficiency.
Quality Attribute Definition Committee’s Conclusions
Equity Providing care that does not vary in quality because of personal characteristics such as gender, ethnicity, geographic location, and socioeconomic status. State-level abortion regulations are likely to affect women differently based on their geographic location and socioeconomic status. Barriers (lack of insurance coverage, waiting periods, limits on qualified providers, and requirements for multiple appointments) are more burdensome for women who reside far from providers and/or have limited resources.

a These attributes of quality health care were first proposed by the Institute of Medicine’s Committee on Quality of Health Care in America in the 2001 report Crossing the Quality Chasm: A New Health System for the 21st Century.

b Elsewhere in this report, effectiveness refers to the successful completion of the abortion without the need for a follow-up aspiration.

clinical assessment (confirming intrauterine pregnancy, determining gestation, taking a relevant medical history, and physical examination); pain management; identification and management of expected side effects and serious complications; and contraceptive counseling and provision. To provide medication abortions, the clinician should be skilled in all these areas. To provide aspiration abortions, the clinician should also be skilled in the technical aspects of an aspiration procedure. To provide D&E abortions, the clinician needs the relevant surgical expertise and sufficient caseload to maintain the requisite surgical skills. To provide induction abortions, the clinician requires the skills needed for managing labor and delivery.

Clinicians that have the necessary competencies Both trained physicians (OB/GYNs, family medicine physicians, and other physicians) and advanced practice clinicians (APCs) (physician assistants, certified nurse-midwives, and nurse practitioners) can provide medication and aspiration abortions safely and effectively. OB/GYNs, family medicine physicians, and other physicians with appropriate training and experience can perform D&E abortions. Induction abortions can be provided by clinicians (OB/GYNs,

family medicine physicians, and certified nurse-midwives) with training in managing labor and delivery.

The extensive body of research documenting the safety of abortion care in the United States reflects the outcomes of abortions provided by thousands of individual clinicians. The use of sedation and anesthesia may require special expertise. If moderate sedation is used, it is essential to have a nurse or other qualified clinical staff—in addition to the person performing the abortion—available to monitor the patient, as is the case for any other medical procedure. Deep sedation and general anesthesia require the expertise of an anesthesiologist or certified registered nurse anesthetist to ensure patient safety.

6. What safeguards are necessary to manage medical emergencies arising from abortion interventions?

The key safeguards—for abortions and all outpatient procedures—are whether the facility has the appropriate equipment, personnel, and emergency transfer plan to address any complications that might occur. No special equipment or emergency arrangements are required for medication abortions; however, clinics should provide a 24-hour clinician-staffed telephone line and have a plan to provide emergency care to patients after hours. If moderate sedation is used during an aspiration abortion, the facility should have emergency resuscitation equipment and an emergency transfer plan, as well as equipment to monitor oxygen saturation, heart rate, and blood pressure. D&Es that involve deep sedation or general anesthesia should be provided in similarly equipped facilities that also have equipment to monitor ventilation.

The committee found no evidence indicating that clinicians that perform abortions require hospital privileges to ensure a safe outcome for the patient. Providers should, however, be able to provide or arrange for patient access or transfer to medical facilities equipped to provide blood transfusions, surgical intervention, and resuscitation, if necessary.

7. What is the evidence on the safe provision of pain management for abortion care?

Nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs (NSAIDs) are recommended to reduce the discomfort of pain and cramping during a medication abortion. Some women still report high levels of pain, and researchers are exploring new ways to provide prophylactic pain management for medication abortion. The pharmaceutical options for pain management during aspiration, D&E, and induction abortions range from local anesthesia, to minimal sedation/anxiolysis, to moderate sedation/analgesia, to deep sedation/

analgesia, to general anesthesia. Along this continuum, the physiological effects of sedation have increasing clinical implications and, depending on the depth of sedation, may require special equipment and personnel to ensure the patient’s safety. The greatest risk of using sedative agents is respiratory depression. The vast majority of abortion patients are healthy and medically eligible for all levels of sedation in office-based settings. As noted above (see Questions 4 and 6), if sedation is used, the facility should be appropriately equipped and staffed.

8. What are the research gaps associated with the provision of safe, high-quality care from pre- to postabortion?

The committee’s overarching task was to assess the safety and quality of abortion care in the United States. As noted in the introduction to this chapter, the committee decided that its findings and conclusions fully respond to this charge. The committee concludes that legal abortions are safe and effective. Safety and quality are optimized when the abortion is performed as early in pregnancy as possible. Quality requires that care be respectful of individual patient preferences, needs, and values so that patient values guide all clinical decisions.

The committee did not identify gaps in research that raise concerns about these conclusions and does not offer recommendations for specific actions to be taken by policy makers, health care providers, and others.

The following are the committee’s observations about questions that merit further investigation.

Limitation of Mifepristone distribution As noted above, mifepristone, sold under the brand name Mifeprex, is the only medication approved by the FDA for use in medication abortion. Extensive clinical research has demonstrated its safety and effectiveness using the FDA-recommended regimen. Furthermore, few women have contraindications to medication abortion. Nevertheless, as noted earlier, the FDA REMS restricts the distribution of mifepristone. Research is needed on how the limited distribution of mifepristone under the REMS process impacts dimensions of quality, including timeliness, patient-centeredness, and equity. In addition, little is known about pharmacist and patient perspectives on pharmacy dispensing of mifepristone and the potential for direct-to-patient models through telemedicine.

Pain management There is insufficient evidence to identify the optimal approach to minimizing the pain women experience during an aspiration procedure without sedation. Paracervical blocks are effective in decreasing procedural pain, but the administration of the block itself is painful, and

even with the block, women report experiencing moderate to significant pain. More research is needed to learn how best to reduce the pain women experience during abortion procedures.

Research on prophylactic pain management for women undergoing medication abortions is also needed. Although NSAIDs reduce the pain of cramping, women still report high levels of pain.

Availability of providers APCs can provide medication and aspiration abortions safely and effectively, but the committee did not find research assessing whether APCs can also be trained to perform D&Es.

Addressing the needs of women of lower income Women who have abortions are disproportionately poor and at risk for interpersonal and other types of violence. Yet little is known about the extent to which they receive needed social and psychological supports when seeking abortion care or how best to meet those needs. More research is needed to assess the need for support services and to define best clinical practice for providing those services.

Abortion is a legal medical procedure that has been provided to millions of American women. Since the Institute of Medicine first reviewed the health implications of national legalized abortion in 1975, there has been a plethora of related scientific research, including well-designed randomized clinical trials, systematic reviews, and epidemiological studies examining abortion care. This research has focused on examining the relative safety of abortion methods and the appropriateness of methods for different clinical circumstances. With this growing body of research, earlier abortion methods have been refined, discontinued, and new approaches have been developed.

The Safety and Quality of Abortion Care in the United States offers a comprehensive review of the current state of the science related to the provision of safe, high-quality abortion services in the United States. This report considers 8 research questions and presents conclusions, including gaps in research.

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Supreme Court rejects challenge to abortion pill accessibility

Nina Totenberg at NPR headquarters in Washington, D.C., May 21, 2019. (photo by Allison Shelley)

Nina Totenberg

Supreme Court rejects challenge to FDA's approval of mifepristone

The U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday tossed out a challenge to the FDA’s rules for prescribing and dispensing abortion pills.

The U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday tossed out a challenge to the FDA’s rules for prescribing and dispensing abortion pills. Erin Hooley/Chicago Tribune/Getty Images hide caption

The U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday tossed out a challenge to the FDA’s rules for prescribing and dispensing abortion pills.

The U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday tossed out a challenge to the FDA’s rules for prescribing and dispensing abortion pills .

By a unanimous vote, the court said the anti-abortion doctors who brought the challenge had failed to show they had been harmed, as they do not prescribe the medication, and thus, essentially, had no skin in the game.

The court said that the challengers, a group called the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, had no right to be in court at all since neither the organization nor its members could show they had suffered any concrete injury.

Writing for the court, Justice Brett Kavanaugh dismissed every conceivable argument that the anti-abortion doctors had advanced claiming they had a right to sue.

They had contended that there is a statistical possibility that some physicians would be called upon to treat emergency room patients suffering from complications after taking abortion pills. But Kavanaugh noted that federal law explicitly says that doctors cannot be forced to perform or assist in abortions, or to treat patients with complications from mifepristone. Moreover, he said, doctors "have never had standing to challenge FDA drug approvals simply on the theory that use of the drug by others may cause more visits to the doctor."

Similarly, he said that doctors have no generalized right to sue because they object to a general government policy. To illustrate the point, he said that if the government raises the speed limit, emergency room doctors couldn't challenge the policy on grounds that it increased the number of automobile accident cases.

The court’s unanimous decision amounted to a legal off-ramp, leaving the FDA rules in place, without directly addressing the regulations themselves.

The decision also avoided, at least for now, a challenge to the entire structure of the FDA’s regulatory power to approve drugs and continually evaluate their safety — a system that for decades has been widely viewed as the gold standard for both safety and innovation.

The statue Guardian or Authority of Law sits above the west front plaza of the U.S. Supreme Court on June 7, 2024 in Washington, D.C. Among the rulings the court is expected to issue by the end of June are cases about access to abortion pills dispensed by mail, gun restrictions the power of regulatory agencies and former President Donald Trump’s bid to avoid criminal charges for trying to overturn his 2020 election defeat.

What's next up for the Supreme Court? Abortion rights, gun laws and more

Carol Tobias, president of National Right to Life, condemned the decision, saying it deprived women of essential information about the dangers of the abortion pill. "It is sad that because of these FDA decisions, women will not get the information they deserve before making a permanent life or death decision," she said.

"It is a sad day for all who value women's health and unborn children's lives, but the fight to stop dangerous mail-order abortion drugs is not over," said SBA Pro-Life America state policy director Katie Daniel.

As abortion rights advocates were relieved, they know there will be more battles ahead. "This is not a sweeping victory," said NYU law professor Melissa Murray. It "likely is just a resting place, a way station. There will be another challenge to medication abortion."

She says that future challenges could come from conservative states that could reasonably argue that the FDA's accessibility regulations render restrictive state abortion laws moot. After all, she observes, "If you get it through the mail, it doesn't matter what the state is doing as a natter if public law."

Mary Zeigler, a law professor at UC Davis who has written extensively about the history and politics of abortion, also sees a fraught future.

She says that many prominent conservative groups and individuals who served in the first Trump Administration have focused their attention on getting Trump, if he is re-elected, to ban all abortion under the Comstock Act, an 1873 anti-obscenity law that also banned all contraception and abortion materials from the mail.

The law has not been enforced for at least a half century and likely much longer, Zeigler says, adding that "If you had told me that prominent conservative groups were going to be investing in turning the Comstock Act into a ban [on abortion] and making it the cornerstone of what they hoped a second Trump Administration would do, I wouldn't have believed you a few years ago. I would have said that's just way too politically counterproductive. And yet, here we are."

Since the court reversed Roe v. Wade and the right to abortion in 2022, pills have become the most popular abortion method in the U.S. More than half the women who choose to terminate a pregnancy use a combination of pills approved by the FDA, including mifepristone, manufactured by Danco Laboratories and marketed as Mifeprex.

The pill regimen was first approved 24 years ago, and over the past eight years, the agency has approved changes in the dosing regimen and eliminated some restrictions that it found to be unnecessary.

For instance, the pills can now be prescribed during the first 10 weeks of pregnancy, instead of the original seven weeks, and prescriptions can be filled by mail or at pharmacies, instead of at a doctor’s office. The result, according to Danco Labs, is that there have been fewer complications than when the drug was initially approved for just seven weeks in 2000.

Thursday's Supreme Court decision reversed a ruling by the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, widely viewed as the most conservative federal appeals court in the country. Of the 61 cases before the court this term, ten are appeals from the Fifth Circuit. The abortion pill case was the third reversal, and there are still seven Fifth Circuit appeals remaining

What's at stake in the Supreme Court mifepristone case

Shots - Health News

What's at stake in the supreme court mifepristone case.

Siding with the FDA in the case were virtually all the major medical associations in the country, as well as almost all the pharmaceutical and bio-tech companies, big and small, that are regulated by the agency, making this the rare case in which a government regulator and the industry it regulates were on the same side. Dr. Jeremy Levin, the CEO of Ovid Therapeutics, one of the many pharmaceutical companies that sided with the FDA, earlier this year called the case “a dagger at the heart of the entire industry.”

For now, though, the prospect of dismantling the regulatory powers of the FDA has been averted. But the direct challenge to abortion pills and their accessibility has not been resolved, and could be revived in a different case.

More than 171K patients traveled out-of-state for abortions in 2023, new data shows

More than 171,000 patients traveled out-of-state to receive abortion care last year, according to new data from the Guttmacher Institute, which underscores the widespread impact of state abortion bans that followed the overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022 .

Out-of-state travel for abortion care has more than doubled since 2019 when 73,100 patients traveled across state lines for abortions, according to the Guttmacher Institute's Monthly Abortion Provision Study project . The project estimates the number of abortions in each state without a total ban from January 2023 to March of this year.

The project found that over 1 million clinician-provided abortions took place in 2023. Of that figure, 171,300 people traveled out-of-state to have abortions, according to the data .

"What’s striking about this new data is how often people are traveling across multiple state lines to access abortion care," Isaac Maddow-Zimet, Guttmacher data scientist and project lead, said in a statement Thursday. "Traveling for abortion care requires individuals to overcome huge financial and logistical barriers, and our findings show just how far people will travel to obtain the care they want and deserve."

The new data revealed a trend of patients, mostly residents in southern states with strict abortion laws, traveling across multiple state lines to receive abortion procedures or dispensed pills. Before the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, patients had traveled for abortion care due to legal barriers or the availability of providers within their state, according to the Guttmacher Institute.

But the significant increase in 2023 was a result of abortion bans and restrictions in individual states that were quickly implemented after the Supreme Court's decision, the Guttmacher Institute said. Patients have been forced to travel for abortion care because of the lack of access in their home states.

Where is abortion on the ballot?: Tracking abortion-related ballot measures in the upcoming election

Abortion laws 'affect thousands of people beyond that state’s borders'

The number of patients that travel out-of-state for abortion care has "always been particularly high" in states with restrictions, according to the Guttmacher Institute.

"Historically, however, many of the people traveling from restrictive states went to states that now have total abortion bans," the Guttmacher Institute said in a news release . "For instance, in 2020, more than 800 Louisiana residents traveled to Texas for abortion care; following the overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022, that was no longer possible. In 2023, more than 3,500 Louisianans traveled across multiple states to get care in places like Florida, Illinois, and Georgia."

Data showed that most patients in states with strict policies traveled to the nearest or neighboring state that allowed abortions. But patients in southern states, which have the most restrictive laws compared to the rest of the country, had to travel across multiple state lines to receive care.

The state that had the most patients leave for abortion care was Texas, according to the data. A majority — more than 14,000 — traveled to New Mexico but thousands of others crossed several state lines for the procedure.

The state that received the most patients traveling for abortion care was Illinois, the data found. It showed that about 37,300 from 16 states went to Illinois to have an abortion.

Kelly Baden, vice president for public policy at the Guttmacher Institute, noted that Florida had a significant role last year in "maintaining some level of abortion access in the Southeast." More than 85,000 abortions occurred in the state in 2023.

But that figure is expected to drop because of Florida's six-week abortion ban that took effect in May. Currently, the closest state that provides abortion care later than six weeks in pregnancy is North Carolina, according to the Guttmacher Institute.

"The state of residence data makes it clear that this policy change will be devastating not only for Floridians, but also for the thousands of others who would have traveled there after being denied care in their home states," Baden said in a statement. "Once again, we see that a state’s abortion policies affect thousands of people beyond that state’s borders."

States with near-total bans on abortion

As of June, 14 states have near-complete bans on abortions with limited exceptions such as when the parent's life is at risk, rape, incest, and/or fetal anomalies. These states include Alabama, Arkansas, Idaho, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, and West Virginia.

In Missouri, abortion is prohibited in nearly all cases, except for medical emergencies, with no exceptions for rape or incest.

Last April, North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum signed one of the country’s  most restrictive abortion measures  into law. The bill abortion at any stage of pregnancy, allowing exceptions only within the first six weeks for cases of rape, incest, or medical emergencies.

In Oklahoma, abortion is banned in almost all cases, without exceptions for rape or incest. In 2023, the State Supreme Court permitted the procedure for only when the parent's life was at risk.

Contributing: Cy Neff, USA TODAY

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Guest Essay

Melinda French Gates: The Enemies of Progress Play Offense. I Want to Help Even the Match.

A photo illustration showing Melinda French Gates amid a dollar bill broken up into squares on a grid.

By Melinda French Gates

Ms. French Gates is a philanthropist and the founder of the charitable organization Pivotal.

Many years ago, I received this piece of advice: “Set your own agenda, or someone else will set it for you.” I’ve carried those words with me ever since.

That’s why, next week, I will leave the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation , of which I was a co-founder almost 25 years ago, to open a new chapter in my philanthropy. To begin, I am announcing $1 billion in new spending over the next two years for people and organizations working on behalf of women and families around the world, including on reproductive rights in the United States.

In nearly 20 years as an advocate for women and girls, I have learned that there will always be people who say it’s not the right time to talk about gender equality. Not if you want to be relevant. Not if you want to be effective with world leaders (most of them men). The second the global agenda gets crowded, women and girls fall off.

It’s frustrating and shortsighted. Decades of research on economics , well-being and governance make it clear that investing in women and girls benefits everyone. We know that economies with women’s full participation have more room to grow. That women’s political participation is associated with decreased corruption. That peace agreements are more durable when women are involved in writing them. That reducing the time women spend in poor health could add as much as $1 trillion to the global economy by 2040.

And yet, around the world, women are seeing a tremendous upsurge in political violence and other threats to their safety, in conflict zones where rape is used as a tool of war, in Afghanistan where the Taliban takeover has erased 20 years of progress for women and girls, in many low-income countries where the number of acutely malnourished pregnant and breastfeeding women is soaring.

In the United States, maternal mortality rates continue to be unconscionable , with Black and Native American mothers at highest risk. Women in 14 states have lost the right to terminate a pregnancy under almost any circumstances. We remain the only advanced economy without any form of national paid family leave. And the number of teenage girls experiencing suicidal thoughts and persistent feelings of sadness and hopelessness is at a decade high.

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COMMENTS

  1. Abortion

    Abortion is a common health intervention. It is very safe when carried out using a method recommended by WHO, appropriate to the pregnancy duration and by someone with the necessary skills. However, around 45% of abortions are unsafe. Unsafe abortion is an important preventable cause of maternal deaths and morbidities.

  2. The facts about abortion and mental health

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  3. Negative health implications of restricting abortion

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  5. Unsafe Abortion: Consequences, Facts & Statistics

    This year, over 9 million women will face complications as a result of unsafe abortion including life-long injuries, severe disability, heavy bleeding, damage to internal organs, or losing the ability to become pregnant in the future. 22,800 of these women will die. And it's not just physical danger at risk.

  6. Unsafe Abortion: Unnecessary Maternal Mortality

    Some 68,000 women die of unsafe abortion annually, making it one of the leading causes of maternal mortality (13%). Of the women who survive unsafe abortion, 5 million will suffer long-term health complications. Unsafe abortion is thus a pressing issue. Both of the primary methods for preventing unsafe abortion—less restrictive abortion laws ...

  7. Positions for and Against Abortion

    Pro-Life Arguments. abortion is akin to murder as it is the act of taking human life. Abortion is in direct defiance of the commonly accepted idea of the sanctity of human life. No civilized society permits one human to intentionally harm or take the life of another human without punishment, and abortion is no different.

  8. Are Abortion Pills Safe? Here's the Evidence

    The plaintiffs and other anti-abortion groups say the 20 percent figure from this single study suggests that patients have a high risk of complications after taking the pills.

  9. Access to safe abortion is a fundamental human right

    Abortion is a common medical or surgical intervention used to terminate pregnancy. Although a controversial and widely debated topic, approximately 73 million induced abortions occur worldwide each year, with 29% of all pregnancies and over 60% of unintended pregnancies ending in abortion. Abortions are considered safe if they are carried out using a method recommended by WHO, appropriate to ...

  10. The Safety and Quality of Abortion Care in the United States

    As noted in Chapter 1, some states require that abortion patients be offered or provided information indicating that abortion negatively affects future fertility (Arizona, Kansas, Nebraska, North Carolina, South Dakota, and Texas); risk of breast cancer (Arkansas, Kansas, Mississippi, Oklahoma, and Texas); and/or mental health disorders (Idaho, Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska, North ...

  11. Abortion Care in the United States

    Abortion services are a vital component of reproductive health care. Since the Supreme Court's 2022 ruling in Dobbs v.Jackson Women's Health Organization, access to abortion services has been increasingly restricted in the United States. Jung and colleagues review current practice and evidence on medication abortion, procedural abortion, and associated reproductive health care, as well as ...

  12. Argumentative Essay Outline on Abortion

    Paragraph 1: The Right to Bodily Autonomy. One of the main arguments in favor of abortion is the right to bodily autonomy. Every person has the right to make decisions about their own body, and this includes the right to make decisions about their reproductive health. Denying women the right to access abortion services is a violation of their ...

  13. Essays on Abortion: Insightful Perspectives and Real-Life ...

    The idea that abortion ought to be treated as murder is among the most divisive arguments. Proponents of this view say abortion should be illegal because it is a purposeful killing of a human being. Although abortion is a touchy and morally complicated subject, this essay argues that it should not be deemed murder.

  14. A Pro-Life Perspective on Abortion: [Essay Example], 500 words

    Get custom essay. The pro-life position is grounded in the belief that life begins at conception and that every human being has an inherent right to life that must be protected. Furthermore, abortion has significant physical and psychological consequences for women, and it can have detrimental effects on societal values and attitudes towards ...

  15. Banning Abortion Doesn't Protect Women's Health

    Using abortion surveillance data compiled nationally, it quickly becomes clear that it is far more dangerous for Black women to give birth in Mississippi than it is for them to terminate a pregnancy.

  16. One Week That Revealed the Struggles of the Anti-Abortion Movement

    For decades, the movement had honed a strategy to achieve a singular goal: ending a constitutional right to an abortion. But after that win, the anti-abortion movement has suffered a series of ...

  17. Dangers Of Abortion Essay

    According to Haddad & Nour, "220,00 children are left motherless because of abortion-related death.". Because of abortion, countless of children are left motherless. Unsafe abortion has caused death; which left the child to be motherless. Some people assume that the fetus is a human being because it is a living inside the mother's womb.

  18. An Expository Essay on Dangers of Abortion

    Conclusion. Abortion is a heinous act that threatens the very existence of the female gender. Its dangers include long-term emotional distress, long-term reproductive health issues, risk of jail terms, and never-ending societal mistreatment and ridicule. While people might offer a variety of reasons to justify abortions, others offer equally ...

  19. Expository Essay on Dangers of Abortion

    Abortion is one of the most common ways to end a pregnancy. It is one of the safest procedures to end a pregnancy with medication. An abortion without clinical intervention is known as miscarriage and occurs in about 30% to 50% of pregnancies. Unsafe abortion can lead to maternal death; therefore, it is always safe to undergo clinical procedures.

  20. Abortions: Causes, Effects, and Solutions Essay

    The principal causes for the abortion problem are the social cause, which mandates ethical attitudes; the political cause, which affects legislation; and the environmental cause, which illuminates the initial stages of human development. This paper analyzes the scope, size, and seriousness of the abortion issue and provides possible solutions ...

  21. The GOP has a new plan to prevent votes on abortion bans.

    As a result of its decision, in Dobbs, to end the constitutional right to an abortion, the U.S. Supreme Court falsely promised that voters across the country would now, state by state, decide the ...

  22. A research on abortion: ethics, legislation and socio-medical outcomes

    The analysis of abortion by means of medical and social documents. Abortion means a pregnancy interruption "before the fetus is viable" [] or "before the fetus is able to live independently in the extrauterine environment, usually before the 20 th week of pregnancy" [].]. "Clinical miscarriage is both a common and distressing complication of early pregnancy with many etiological ...

  23. Pa. election 2024: Abortion rights fight gets Sen. Bob Casey as ...

    Abortion rights, suddenly a potent political force in the aftermath of the U.S. Supreme Court's decision to leave such matters to the states, have found an unlikely champion in swing state Pennsylvania. Sen. Bob Casey, who will appear on the November ballot beneath President Joe Biden as the Democrats both seek reelection, has begun doing something he's never done before: attacking an ...

  24. The Safety and Quality of Abortion Care in the United States

    Research on the association between obesity and complications during a D&E abortion is less certain—particularly for women with Class III obesity (body mass index ≥40) after 14 weeks' gestation. A history of a prior cesarean delivery is not a risk factor for women undergoing medication or aspiration abortions, but it may be associated ...

  25. Supreme Court rejects challenge to abortion pill accessibility

    The U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday tossed out a challenge to the FDA's rules for prescribing and dispensing abortion pills.. By a unanimous vote, the court said the anti-abortion doctors who ...

  26. Abortions in 2023: Over 171K patients traveled out-of-state for care

    The new data revealed a trend of patients, mostly residents in southern states with strict abortion laws, traveling across multiple state lines to receive abortion procedures or dispensed pills.

  27. Opinion

    Ms. French Gates is a philanthropist and the founder of the charitable organization Pivotal. Many years ago, I received this piece of advice: "Set your own agenda, or someone else will set it ...

  28. Opinion: Is the Supreme Court's abortion pill ruling a result of the

    Taken altogether, the abortion pill decision raises questions for pro-life activists like myself who are concerned that the political backlash against the Supreme Court's 2022 Dobbs ruling ...

  29. Mifepristone Ruling Sends a Message About Abortion Politics

    On Thursday, the US Supreme Court unanimously rejected lower courts' outrageous attempts to block access to the abortion medication mifepristone. But it wasn't because the conservative ...

  30. Here's what the Christian right wants from a second Trump term

    On abortion, Severino wants the FDA to collect more data on the health outcomes for women who use abortion drugs. Project 2025 calls for the FDA to reverse its approval of such drugs.