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High Impact Political Science and International Relations Research

Oxford University Press publishes a portfolio of leading Political Science and IR journals. To keep up to date with the latest research your peers are reading and citing, browse our selection of high impact articles on a diverse breadth of topics below.  

All articles are freely available to read, download, and enjoy until May 2023.

• African Affairs
• Foreign Policy Analysis
• Global Studies Quarterly
• International Affairs
• International Political Sociology
• International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
• International Studies Perspectives
• International Studies Quarterly
• International Studies Review
• Journal of Global Security Studies
• Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory

Parliamentary Affairs  

Policy and society.

• Perspectives on Public Management and Governance
• Publius: The Journal of Federalism
• Social Politics
• The Chinese Journal of International Politics

African Affairs  

Respecting and circumventing presidential term limits in sub-Saharan Africa: A comparative survey Filip Reyntjens African Affairs , Volume 119, Issue 475, April 2020, Pages 275–295, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adz029

‘Africa+1’ summit diplomacy and the ‘new scramble’ narrative: Recentering African agency Folashadé Soulé African Affairs , Volume 119, Issue 477, October 2020, Pages 633–646, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa015

Party campaign strategies in Ghana: Rallies, canvassing and handouts Sarah Brierley, Eric Kramon African Affairs , Volume 119, Issue 477, October 2020, Pages 587–603, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa024

The political economy of Biafra separatism and post-war Igbo nationalism in Nigeria Chikodiri Nwangwu, Freedom C. Onuoha, Bernard U. Nwosu, Christian Ezeibe African Affairs , Volume 119, Issue 477, October 2020, Pages 526–551, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa025

Devolution and the politics of communal tenure reform in Kenya Gargule A. Achiba, Monica N. Lengoiboni African Affairs , Volume 119, Issue 476, July 2020, Pages 338–369, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa010

Foreign Policy Analysis  

The Party Politics of Foreign and Security Policy Tapio Raunio, Wolfgang Wagner Foreign Policy Analysis , Volume 16, Issue 4, October 2020, Pages 515–531, https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/oraa018

Gendering Foreign Policy: A Comparative Framework for Analysis Karin Aggestam, Jacqui True Foreign Policy Analysis , Volume 16, Issue 2, April 2020, Pages 143–162, https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz026

Party Politics or (Supra-)National Interest? External Relations Votes in the European Parliament Tapio Raunio, Wolfgang Wagner Foreign Policy Analysis , Volume 16, Issue 4, October 2020, Pages 547–564, https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/oraa010

Swedish Feminist Foreign Policy and “Gender Cosmopolitanism” Annika Bergman Rosamond Foreign Policy Analysis , Volume 16, Issue 2, April 2020, Pages 217–235, https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz025

Patterns of Political Ideology and Security Policy Tim Haesebrouck, Patrick A Mello Foreign Policy Analysis , Volume 16, Issue 4, October 2020, Pages 565–586, https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/oraa006

Global Studies Quarterly  

Taking the Research Experience Seriously: A Framework for Reflexive Applied Research in Development Roxani Krystalli, Elizabeth Hoffecker, Kendra Leith, Kim Wilson Global Studies Quarterly , Volume 1, Issue 3, September 2021, ksab022, https://doi.org/10.1093/isagsq/ksab022

Populism and the Affective Politics of Humiliation Narratives Alexandra Homolar, Georg Löfflmann Global Studies Quarterly , Volume 1, Issue 1, March 2021, ksab002, https://doi.org/10.1093/isagsq/ksab002

The Politics of Exceptionalism: Securitization and COVID-19 Jessica Kirk, Matt McDonald Global Studies Quarterly , Volume 1, Issue 3, September 2021, ksab024, https://doi.org/10.1093/isagsq/ksab024

Role Theory, Foreign Policy, and the Social Construction of Sovereignty: Brexit Stage Right Ryan K. Beasley, Juliet Kaarbo, Kai Oppermann Global Studies Quarterly , Volume 1, Issue 1, March 2021, ksab001, https://doi.org/10.1093/isagsq/ksab001

The Synthetic Situation in Diplomacy: Scopic Media and the Digital Mediation of Estrangement Kristin Anabel Eggeling, Rebecca Adler-Nissen Global Studies Quarterly , Volume 1, Issue 2, June 2021, ksab005, https://doi.org/10.1093/isagsq/ksab005

International Affairs  

The Belt and Road Initiative: geo-economics and Indo-Pacific security competition Mingjiang Li International Affairs , Volume 96, Issue 1, January 2020, Pages 169–187, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz240

Why the COVID-19 response needs International Relations Sara E. Davies, Clare Wenham International Affairs , Volume 96, Issue 5, September 2020, Pages 1227–1251, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa135

Evasive balancing: India's unviable Indo-Pacific strategy Rajesh Rajagopalan International Affairs , Volume 96, Issue 1, January 2020, Pages 75–93, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz224 Immature leadership: Donald Trump and the American presidency Daniel W Drezner International Affairs , Volume 96, Issue 2, March 2020, Pages 383–400, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa009

The recalibration of Chinese assertiveness: China's responses to the Indo-Pacific challenge Feng Liu International Affairs , Volume 96, Issue 1, January 2020, Pages 9–27, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz226

International Political Sociology  

Confronting the International Political Sociology of the New Right Rita Abrahamsen, Jean-François Drolet, Alexandra Gheciu, Karin Narita, Srdjan Vucetic, Michael Williams International Political Sociology , Volume 14, Issue 1, March 2020, Pages 94–107, https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaa001

Collective Discussion: Toward Critical Approaches to Intelligence as a Social Phenomenon Hager Ben Jaffel, Alvina Hoffmann, Oliver Kearns, Sebastian Larsson International Political Sociology , Volume 14, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 323–344, https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaa015

The Cruel Optimism of Militarism: Feminist Curiosity, Affect, and Global Security Amanda Chisholm, Hanna Ketola International Political Sociology , Volume 14, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 270–285, https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaa005

Feminist Commodity Activism: The New Political Economy of Feminist Protest Jemima Repo International Political Sociology , Volume 14, Issue 2, June 2020, Pages 215–232, https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olz033

Affect and the Response to Terror: Commemoration and Communities of Sense Angharad Closs Stephens, Martin Coward, Samuel Merrill, Shanti Sumartojo International Political Sociology , Volume 15, Issue 1, March 2021, Pages 22–40, https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaa020

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific  

Conceptualizing equidistant diplomacy in international relations: the case of Singapore Ang Guan Teo, Kei Koga International Relations of the Asia-Pacific , lcab011, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcab011

Hedging and grand strategy in Southeast Asian foreign policy David Martin Jones, Nicole Jenne International Relations of the Asia-Pacific , lcab003, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcab003

Strategizing Femininity between the Global and the Taiwanese Local: Implications for International Relations Chih-Yu Shih International Relations of the Asia-Pacific , lcab014, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcab014

China’s motives, influence and prospects in Pacific Island countries: views of Chinese scholars Denghua Zhang International Relations of the Asia-Pacific , lcab019, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcab019

Seeking support beyond alliance? Rethinking great power partner politics after the Cold War Lu Ding, Xuefeng Sun International Relations of the Asia-Pacific , Volume 21, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 431–464, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcaa005

International Studies Perspectives  

Differing about Difference: Relational IR from around the World Tamara A Trownsell, Arlene B Tickner, Amaya Querejazu, Jarrad Reddekop, Giorgio Shani, Kosuke Shimizu, Navnita Chadha Behera, Anahita Arian International Studies Perspectives , Volume 22, Issue 1, February 2021, Pages 25–64, https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekaa008

What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas Jennifer Thomson International Studies Perspectives , Volume 21, Issue 4, November 2020, Pages 424–437, https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz032

Scattered and Unsystematic: The Taught Discipline in the Intellectual Life of International Relations Aaron Ettinger International Studies Perspectives , Volume 21, Issue 3, August 2020, Pages 338–361, https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz028

Global Monetary Order and the Liberal Order Debate Carla Norrlof, Paul Poast, Benjamin J Cohen, Sabreena Croteau, Aashna Khanna, Daniel McDowell, Hongying Wang, W Kindred Winecoff International Studies Perspectives , Volume 21, Issue 2, May 2020, Pages 109–153, https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekaa001

The Politics of Teaching International Relations in the Arab World: Reading Walt in Beirut, Wendt in Doha, and Abul-Fadl in Cairo May Darwich, Morten Valbjørn, Bassel F Salloukh, Waleed Hazbun, Amira Abu Samra, Said Saddiki, Adham Saouli, Hamad H Albloshi, Karim Makdisi International Studies Perspectives , Volume 22, Issue 4, November 2021, Pages 407–438, https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekaa020

International Studies Quarterly  

Illiberal Norm Diffusion: How Do Governments Learn to Restrict Nongovernmental Organizations? Marlies Glasius, Jelmer Schalk, Meta De Lange International Studies Quarterly , Volume 64, Issue 2, June 2020, Pages 453–468, https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa019

Emotional Labor and the Power of International Bureaucrats Deepak Nair International Studies Quarterly , Volume 64, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 573–587, https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa030

Promises under Pressure: Statements of Reassurance in US Alliances Brian Blankenship International Studies Quarterly , Volume 64, Issue 4, December 2020, Pages 1017–1030, https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa071

Leadership Selection in United Nations Peacekeeping Kseniya Oksamytna, Vincenzo Bove, Magnus Lundgren International Studies Quarterly , Volume 65, Issue 1, March 2021, Pages 16–28, https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa023

Demanding Truth: The Global Transitional Justice Network and the Creation of Truth Commissions Kelebogile Zvobgo International Studies Quarterly , Volume 64, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 609–625, https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa044

International Studies Review  

Who Publishes Where? Exploring the Geographic Diversity of Global IR Journals Mathis Lohaus, Wiebke Wemheuer-Vogelaar International Studies Review , Volume 23, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 645–669, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa062

Forum: Coding in Tongues: Developing Non-English Coding Schemes for Leadership Profiling Klaus Brummer, Michael D Young, Özgur Özdamar, Sercan Canbolat, Consuelo Thiers, Christian Rabini, Katharina Dimmroth, Mischa Hansel, Ameneh Mehvar International Studies Review , Volume 22, Issue 4, December 2020, Pages 1039–1067, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa001

Friends, Fellows, and Foes: A New Framework for Studying Relational Peace Johanna Söderström, Malin Åkebo, Anna K Jarstad International Studies Review , Volume 23, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 484–508, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa033

The Visual International Relations Project Michael R. Pfonner, Patrick James International Studies Review , Volume 22, Issue 2, June 2020, Pages 192–213, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa014

Where We At? New Directions for Research on Popular Culture and World Politics Rhys Crilley International Studies Review , Volume 23, Issue 1, March 2021, Pages 164–180, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa027

Journal of Global Security Studies  

The Microfoundations of State Cybersecurity: Cyber Risk Perceptions and the Mass Public Nadiya Kostyuk, Carly Wayne Journal of Global Security Studies , Volume 6, Issue 2, June 2021, ogz077, https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogz077

Secessionist Strategy and Tactical Variation in the Pursuit of Independence Ryan D. Griffiths Journal of Global Security Studies , Volume 6, Issue 1, March 2021, ogz082, https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogz082

A Motion of No Confidence: Leadership and Rebel Fragmentation Austin C. Doctor Journal of Global Security Studies , Volume 5, Issue 4, October 2020, Pages 598–616, https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogz060

Visions of Peace Amidst a Human Rights Crisis: War on Drugs in Colombia and the Philippines Salvador Santino F Regilme, Jr Journal of Global Security Studies , Volume 6, Issue 2, June 2021, ogaa022, https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogaa022

The Islamic State's Pattern of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Institutions, Policies and Practices Mara Redlich Revkin, Elisabeth Jean Wood Journal of Global Security Studies , Volume 6, Issue 2, June 2021, ogaa038, https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogaa038

Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory  

Who Is in Charge? The Provision of Informal Personal Resources at the Street Level Einat Lavee Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory , Volume 31, Issue 1, January 2021, Pages 4–20, https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muaa025

Administrative Capital and Citizens’ Responses to Administrative Burden Ayesha Masood, Muhammad Azfar Nisar Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory , Volume 31, Issue 1, January 2021, Pages 56–72, https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muaa031

What is Public about Public Leadership? Exploring Implicit Public Leadership Theories Rick Vogel, Laura Werkmeister Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory , Volume 31, Issue 1, January 2021, Pages 166–183, https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muaa024

The Psychological Costs of Citizen Coproduction Mette Kjærgaard Thomsen, Martin Baekgaard, Ulrich Thy Jensen Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory , Volume 30, Issue 4, October 2020, Pages 656–673, https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muaa001

“It Takes a While to Get Used to”: The Costs of Redeeming Public Benefits Carolyn Y. Barnes Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory , Volume 31, Issue 2, April 2021, Pages 295–310, https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muaa042

Democracy and the Politics of Coronavirus: Trust, Blame and Understanding Matthew Flinders Parliamentary Affairs , Volume 74, Issue 2, April 2021, Pages 483–502, https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsaa013

Not a Brexit Election? Pessimism, Promises and Populism 'UK-Style' Matthew Flinders Parliamentary Affairs , Volume 73, Issue Supplement_1, September 2020, Pages 225–242, https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsaa030

Brexit and Parliament: The Anatomy of a Perfect Storm Meg Russell Parliamentary Affairs , Volume 74, Issue 2, April 2021, Pages 443–463, https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsaa011

Gender Politics and Legislative Networks in Taiwan: An Analysis of Women-Bill Co-Sponsorship and Bill Success Jaemin Shim Parliamentary Affairs , Volume 74, Issue 3, July 2021, Pages 639–661, https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz050

Dynamics of Intra-Party Organisation in the Digital Age: A Grassroots Analysis of Digital Adoption Katharine Dommett, Luke Temple, Patrick Seyd Parliamentary Affairs , Volume 74, Issue 2, April 2021, Pages 378–397, https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsaa007

Mobilizing Policy (In)Capacity to Fight COVID-19: Understanding Variations in State Responses   Giliberto Capano, Michael Howlett, Darryl S. L. Jarvis, M. Ramesh, Nihit Goyal Policy and Society , Volume 39, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 285–308, https://doi.org/10.1080/14494035.2020.1787628 Policymaking in a low-trust state: legitimacy, state capacity, and responses to COVID-19 in Hong Kong   Kris Hartley, Darryl S. L. Jarvis Policy and Society , Volume 39, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 403–423, https://doi.org/10.1080/14494035.2020.1783791 Nudges against pandemics: Sweden’s COVID-19 containment strategy in perspective   Jon Pierre Policy and Society , Volume 39, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 478–493, https://doi.org/10.1080/14494035.2020.1783787 Policy design and state capacity in the COVID-19 emergency in Italy: if you are not prepared for the (un)expected, you can be only what you already are   Giliberto Capano Policy and Society , Volume 39, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 326–344, https://doi.org/10.1080/14494035.2020.1783790 Policy style, consistency and the effectiveness of the policy mix in China’s fight against COVID-19    Ciqi Mei Policy and Society , Volume 39, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 309–325, https://doi.org/10.1080/14494035.2020.1787627

Perspectives on Public Management and Governance  

Cooperation in the Face of Transboundary Crisis: A Framework for Analysis Donald Blondin, Arjen Boin Perspectives on Public Management and Governance , Volume 3, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 197–209, https://doi.org/10.1093/ppmgov/gvz031

Conceptual Bases of Employee Accountability: A Psychological Approach Yousueng Han, James L. Perry Perspectives on Public Management and Governance , Volume 3, Issue 4, December 2020, Pages 288–304, https://doi.org/10.1093/ppmgov/gvz030

Democratic Backsliding, Populism, and Public Administration Michael W. Bauer, Stefan Becker Perspectives on Public Management and Governance , Volume 3, Issue 1, March 2020, Pages 19–31, https://doi.org/10.1093/ppmgov/gvz026

Learning from Our Mistakes: Public Management Reform and the Hope of Open Government Alex Ingrams, Suzanne Piotrowski, Daniel Berliner Perspectives on Public Management and Governance , Volume 3, Issue 4, December 2020, Pages 257–272, https://doi.org/10.1093/ppmgov/gvaa001

The Ecology of Emergency Management Work in the Digital Age Shalini Misra, Patrick Roberts, Matthew Rhodes Perspectives on Public Management and Governance , Volume 3, Issue 4, December 2020, Pages 305–322, https://doi.org/10.1093/ppmgov/gvaa007

Publius: The Journal of Federalism  

Climate Change Policymaking in the States: A View at 2020 Rebecca Bromley-Trujillo, Mirya R Holman Publius: The Journal of Federalism , Volume 50, Issue 3, Summer 2020, Pages 446–472, https://doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjaa008

The State of American Federalism 2019–2020: Polarized and Punitive Intergovernmental Relations Greg Goelzhauser, David M. Konisky Publius: The Journal of Federalism , Volume 50, Issue 3, Summer 2020, Pages 311–343, https://doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjaa021

Partisan Federalism and Subnational Governments' International Engagements: Insights from India Chanchal Kumar Sharma, Sandra Destradi, Johannes Plagemann Publius: The Journal of Federalism , Volume 50, Issue 4, Fall 2020, Pages 566–592, https://doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjaa017

Policy and Political Learning: The Development of Medical Marijuana Policies in the States Daniel J Mallinson, A Lee Hannah Publius: The Journal of Federalism , Volume 50, Issue 3, Summer 2020, Pages 344–369, https://doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjaa006

Staying in Place: Federalism and the Political Economy of Place Attachment Nicholas F. Jacobs, B. K. Munis Publius: The Journal of Federalism , Volume 50, Issue 4, Fall 2020, Pages 544–565, https://doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjaa024

Social Politics  

Varieties of Gender Regimes Sylvia Walby Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society , Volume 27, Issue 3, Fall 2020, Pages 414–431, https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa018

The Origins and Transformations of Conservative Gender Regimes in Germany and Japan Karen A. Shire, Kumiko Nemoto Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society , Volume 27, Issue 3, Fall 2020, Pages 432–448, https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa017

Counteracting Challenges to Gender Equality in the Era of Anti-Gender Campaigns: Competing Gender Knowledges and Affective Solidarity Elżbieta Korolczuk Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society , Volume 27, Issue 4, Winter 2020, Pages 694–717, https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa021

Gender, Violence, and Political Institutions: Struggles over Sexual Harassment in the European Parliament Valentine Berthet, Johanna Kantola Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society , Volume 28, Issue 1, Spring 2021, Pages 143–167, https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa015

Gender Regime Change in Decentralized States: The Case of Spain Emanuela Lombardo, Alba Alonso Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society , Volume 27, Issue 3, Fall 2020, Pages 449–466, https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa016

The Chinese Journal of International Politics  

Bipolar Rivalry in the Early Digital Age Yan Xuetong The Chinese Journal of International Politics , Volume 13, Issue 3, Autumn 2020, Pages 313–341, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poaa007 China's Rise and Balance of Power Politics Zhen Han, T. V. Paul The Chinese Journal of International Politics , Volume 13, Issue 1, Spring 2020, Pages 1–26, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz018

Narrating the China Threat: Securitising Chinese Economic Presence in Europe Igor Rogelja, Konstantinos Tsimonis The Chinese Journal of International Politics , Volume 13, Issue 1, Spring 2020, Pages 103–133, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz019

Fears of Falling Short versus Anxieties of Decline: Explaining Russia and China’s Approach to Status-Seeking Andrej Krickovic, Chang Zhang The Chinese Journal of International Politics , Volume 13, Issue 2, Summer 2020, Pages 219–251, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poaa006

Preventing the China-U.S. Cold War from Turning Hot Christopher Layne The Chinese Journal of International Politics , Volume 13, Issue 3, Autumn 2020, Pages 343–385, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poaa012

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Our research is focused around three broad themes: conflict, peace and security; the evolving character of global and supra-national institutions; and the interpenetration of civil societies and international relations. In addition we have major strengths in area studies which help to ground our research into these broad thematic areas. Some of this activity is carried out under the umbrella of our various research centres, some within other collaborative contexts both within and outside the university, and some by individual researchers.

For more information please visit the School of International Relations home page.

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International Relations

• Get Started on Research

Getting started

Research process, literature review v. research paper, related research guides.

• Find Background Sources
• Find Primary Sources
• Find Secondary Sources
• Citing Your Information (Attribution)

This guide is intended to connect you to a variety of resources useful for conducting research in International Relations

Use the menu on the left-hand side to navigate this guide.

If you are new to conducting research:

Consider reviewing the  Starting Your Research  tutorial to learn the phases and processes of doing research .

For general library information: N ew to Using the Library

Start your International Relations research with these key resources:

• Academic Search Premier This link opens in a new window Always a good database with which to begin research. Multi-disciplinary indexed database containing full text for nearly 4,700 publications, including more than 3,600 peer-reviewed publications. Coverage 1880s-present more... less... Language: English, Spanish, Russian, Portuguese, Turkish, French, Chinese, Arabic etc. Keywords: ASP
• Worldwide Political Science Abstracts This link opens in a new window Excellent selective database for articles in IR, global coverage. Citations for articles in more than 300 political science and government journals. 1984-present more... less... Worldwide Political Science Abstracts is the electronic counterpart and continuation of the print publication Political Science Abstracts. Language: English, Spanish, French, Portuguese, German
• Columbia International Affairs Online (CIAO) This link opens in a new window Very important for policy papers from Think Tanks and NGO's (Non-Governmental Organizations), (from the U.S. foreign Affairs viewpoint) Some academic journals. more... less... Language: English
• PAIS Index This link opens in a new window Why search here? Good for abstracts and citations of politcal science literature from a wide range of international and domestic sources. Content type: Abstracts and citations for scholarly articles, monographs, government documents, statistical directories, research reports, conference papers, web content Coverage dates: 1915-present more... less... PAIS Index combines two databases: PAIS International and PAIS Archive. PAIS International is the electronic version and continuation of the print publications PAIS Bulletin and PAIS Foreign Language Index. PAIS Archive is the electronic version of the print publication PAIS Annual Cumulated Bulletin. Language: English, German, French, Spanish
• Google Scholar Google Scholar is a useful source for finding how many times articles have been cited and tracking the citations. It is also useful for expanding a search.
• Library Search Library Search is the library catalog. Use it to look for books, videos and DVDs, music scores, and other materials owned by the Library. Library Search includes information on both paper and electronic materials.
• Search by Subject (Browzine) Search journals by subject/collection.
• Search for Journals Search for journals by title and subject. Browzine Subject Search: https://browzine.com/libraries/416/subjects?query=journal%20of%20politics

This graphic was adapted by Sara Lowe when working at the  Claremont Colleges Library

Please review this video: Getting Started with Literature Reviews tutorial  

What is a literature review?

A literature review can be just a simple summary of the sources, but it usually has an organizational pattern and combines both summary and synthesis. A summary is a recap of the important information of the source, but a synthesis is a re-organization, or a reshuffling, of that information.

How is a literature review different from an academic research paper?

The main focus of an academic research paper is to develop a new argument, and a research paper will contain a literature review as one of its parts. In a research paper, you use the literature as a foundation and as support for a new insight that you contribute. The focus of a literature review, however, is to summarize and synthesize the arguments and ideas of others without adding new contributions.

How do I know when I can stop?

Literature reviews can be tricky because you don't want to stop before you've found everything relevant to your topic. There are a couple of guidelines for knowing when to stop looking for materials.

• Searched all relevant databases, using a variety of keywords and subject headings
• Mined article bibliographies for their cited references
• Looked in Google Scholar or Web of Science to see who has cited those articles
• Think of the assignment timeline. If you are writing your PhD thesis you can spend more time doing a comprehensive lit review than if you only have a few weeks until an assignment is due. At some point you need to stop.
• Government Information This is an in-house research guide that provides direction on finding government information in many formats, paper, microform, and online.
• Data and Statistics: International Guide to data and statistics specifically for international sources.
• Legal Research Guide to Legal Research, mostly United States.
• Economics Research Guide Guide to research resources in Economics.

Social Sciences Librarian

• Next: Find Background Sources >>
• : Jan 23, 2024 3:40 PM
• URL: https://libguides.libraries.claremont.edu/InternationalRelations

Designing a Research Proposal

Before conducting research, whether this is for an undergraduate project/essay,or a dissertation or thesis, it is important that you design a research proposal first. This will serve as a plan to orient you as you conduct your research and seek to answer the question(s) you have set. Every university (and programme within) will have its own guidelines for this, but the resources below give some accessible overviews on how a research proposal works in general, and then lists some examples the E-International Relations team has found useful from universities around the world.

The resources below have been curated by the E-International Relations team. You can find more resources on our methods homepage .

How to Develop a Good Research Topic by KStateLibraries (YouTube)

How To Write A Strong Research Proposal by Dr Amina Yonis (Youtube)

‘The Perfect Proposal’ by Dr. Hastings of the Texas A&M University Writing Center (YouTube)

Developing Research Questions by Monash University (website).

Doing a Literature Review

An essential part of any proposal is a review of the relevant literature already published on the topic you are researching. This shows that you understand where the existing debates are focused and (for more advanced works) can identify any gaps in the extant research that your work may address. Generally, literature falls into two broad categories: (1) Academic literature – this is books, journal articles and academic PhD theses… anything peer reviewed. (2) ‘Grey’ Literature – essentially anything not peer reviewed but useful to your research. this is a broad category that incorporates Newspaper/Magazine articles, policy or technical reports, government publications/archives, multimedia content (Podcasts, videos etc.) etc. Both academic and grey literature can be online or physical/in print and the distinction is less important than the nature and use of the materials in your literature review.

Get Lit: The Literature Review by Dr. Candace Hastings (YouTube)

Literature Review by University of Waterloo (website).

Andrew Booth, Diana Papaioannou, and Anthea Sutton, Systematic Approaches to Successful Literature Review (SAGE, 2012), pp.1–16. https://www.sagepub.com/sites/default/files/upm-binaries/43465_Booth_et_al.pdf

Chris Hart, Doing a Literature Review (SAGE, 1998), pp.1–25. https://www.sagepub.com/sites/default/files/upm-binaries/28728_LitReview___hart_chapter_1.pdf

Robin Kiteley and Chris Stogdon, Literature Reviews in Social Work (SAGE, 2014), pp.5–22. The Selection of a Research Approach. https://www.sagepub.com/sites/default/files/upm-binaries/58106_Kiteley_&_Stogdon.pdf

John W. Creswell, Research Design Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches Fourth Edition (Sage, 2014). https://us.sagepub.com/sites/default/files/upm-binaries/55588_Chapter_1_Sample_Creswell_Research_Design_4e.pdf

Examples of different university guides for research proposals

University of Nottingham https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/pgstudy/how-to-apply/research-proposal.aspx

Oxford University https://www.conted.ox.ac.uk/about/writing-your-research-proposal

King’s College London, Department of European and International Studies https://www.kcl.ac.uk/eis/postgraduate/eis-phd-research-proposal-guidelines

Guidelines for elaborating a master’s thesis or project. ISCTE Business School (Lisbon, Portugal). https://www.iscte-iul.pt/assets/files/2020/11/02/1604315461085_Guidelines_for_elaborating_a_Master_s_dissertation_or_project.pdf

Dissertation Proposal Template. Católica Lisbon School of Business and Economics. https://www.clsbe.lisboa.ucp.pt/system/files/assets/files/dissertation-proposal-template.pdf

Writing a research proposal. University of Melbourne https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/graduate-research/writing-a-research-proposal

Types of Research Design. – University of Southern California. https://libguides.usc.edu/writingguide/researchdesigns

Guidelines for the Preparation of Research Project, Dissertation and Thesis – University of Malaya. https://inpuma.um.edu.my/Guidelines_for_Preparation_of_Research_Project_Dissertation_and_Thesis.pdf

Research Proposal Guidelines. – University of Pretoria. https://www.up.ac.za/communication-management-division/article/2417100/research-proposal-guidelines

Writing a Research Proposal. – Victoria University of Wellington. https://www.wgtn.ac.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0003/1341273/Writing-a-Research-Proposal.pdf

How to Prepare: Thesis Proposal. – University of Hong Kong. https://gradsch.hku.hk/f/page/476/1666/thesis-proposal.pdf

George Washington University, Dissertation Content and Style Guide. https://gsehd.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/gsehd_dissertation_content_and_style_guide.pdf.

Organizing your Social Sciences Research Paper. https://libguides.usc.edu/writingguide

Tips for Writing a Good Quality Social Science Research Paper. https://globaljournals.org/journals/human-social-science/tips-for-writing-a-good-quality-social-science-research-paper

Organizing Your Social Sciences Research Paper. https://libguides.pointloma.edu/c.php?g=944338&p=6806892

The Open University. (2021). “Postgraduate Study Skills”. The Open University. https://help.open.ac.uk/conducting-an-interview .

Types of Research Designs. University of Southern California Libraries. https://libguides.usc.edu/writingguide/researchdesigns

Writing your research proposal (York St. John University). https://www.yorksj.ac.uk/study/research/apply/examples-of-research-proposals/

Further Reading on E-International Relations

• Designing and Conducting Surveys
• Research Ethics
• Introduction to Research Methods
• Quantitative Analysis Tools
• Qualitative, Quantitative and Mixed Methods Approaches
• 9/11 and the War on Terror

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168 Current International Relations Research Topics For Any Level

Are you a student looking for intriguing international relations research topics? Look no further! In this blog post, we have created a list of 168 unique and thought-provoking research topics in the field of international relations that should help students get an A+ on their next paper.

Whether you’re studying political science, international affairs or related disciplines, this comprehensive list covers a wide range of fascinating subjects. From global governance to security issues, diplomacy, human rights, and more, these topics are designed to inspire your research and help you delve deeper into the complexities of international relations. So, grab your notepad and get ready to explore these captivating research ideas!

A Word On International Relations Theses

International relations is the study of interactions between nations and global actors. It examines politics, economics, security, and culture, exploring how countries cooperate, conflict and shape global dynamics. If you’re about to start working on a thesis in international relations and you are wondering what to include in your paper, here is a short explanation of each of the mandatory chapters:

Introduction: The opening section that presents the research problem, objectives, and significance of the study. Literature Review: A comprehensive review of existing scholarly works related to the research topic, providing a context for the study. Methodology: Describes the research design, data collection methods, and analytical techniques used to address the research questions or hypotheses. Findings: Presents the empirical results or outcomes of the research, often supported by data, analysis, and interpretation. Discussion: Analyzes and interprets the findings in relation to the research objectives, drawing connections to existing literature and providing insights. Conclusion: Summarizes the main findings, highlights the contributions to the field, and suggests avenues for future research. References: Lists all the sources cited in the thesis following a specific citation style (e.g., APA, MLA).

Now, it’s time to deliver on our promise and give you the list of international relations research paper topics. Choose the one you like the most:

Easy International Relations Research Topics

Explore our list of easy international relations research topics that will help you understand global politics and analyze the dynamics of international relations with ease

• The impact of globalization on state sovereignty and international relations
• Analyzing the role of non-state actors in global governance structures
• The influence of soft power in shaping international relations and diplomacy
• Exploring the relationship between human rights and international relations
• Examining the dynamics of economic interdependence in international relations
• The role of international organizations in promoting peace and security
• Assessing the impact of climate change on international relations and cooperation
• Analyzing the role of regional integration in shaping global politics
• The implications of cyber warfare for international relations and national security
• Examining the challenges and opportunities of humanitarian intervention in international relations
• Analyzing the role of ideology in shaping state behavior in international relations
• Exploring the impact of migration and refugee crises on international relations
• Assessing the role of international law in resolving conflicts and promoting peace
• Investigating the role of intelligence agencies in shaping international relations

International Relations Thesis Topics

Our wide range of international relations thesis topics will guide you towards developing a strong research question, conducting in-depth analysis, and contributing to the field with your original research:

• Power dynamics and the balance of power in international relations
• Exploring the role of diplomacy in conflict resolution and peacebuilding
• The impact of nuclear proliferation on international security and non-proliferation regimes
• Analyzing the role of international institutions in managing global crises
• The influence of nationalism on interstate relations and regional cooperation
• Examining the role of international norms and human rights in shaping foreign policy
• Assessing the impact of economic globalization on state sovereignty in international relations
• The role of social media in shaping public opinion and international relations
• Exploring the concept of hegemony and its implications for international relations
• The role of gender in international relations and its impact on policy-making
• Analyzing the role of intelligence agencies in shaping international relations
• The implications of emerging technologies on international security and arms control
• Examining the role of media and propaganda in international conflicts and public opinion
• The impact of regional integration on state behavior and international cooperation

Advanced International Relations Topics For Research

Dive into complex issues, explore cutting-edge theories, and unravel the intricate dynamics of global affairs with our advanced international relations topics for research:

• China’s global rise and its power dynamics
• Non-traditional security threats in international relations
• AI and warfare: Implications for international security
• Climate change, conflict, and forced migration in international relations
• Religion and politics in international relations
• Populism’s impact on global governance and international relations
• Social movements and civil society in shaping international relations
• Pandemics and international cooperation: Implications for global governance
• Cultural diplomacy and soft power in international relations
• Information warfare and disinformation in international relations
• Regional powers shaping global security dynamics
• Responsibility to protect and humanitarian interventions in international relations
• Resource scarcity and environmental degradation in international relations
• Migration and refugee crises’ impact on global stability

International Relations Research Questions

Our carefully curated list of international relations research questions will inspire critical thinking and promote meaningful discussions:

• How does power transition theory explain shifts in global power dynamics?
• What are the implications of the rise of non-state actors on traditional state-centric international relations theories?
• How do identity politics and nationalism shape interstate conflicts?
• What are the factors influencing state compliance with international human rights norms?
• How does globalization impact state sovereignty?
• What are the challenges of multilateralism in addressing global issues?
• How does public opinion influence state behavior in international relations?
• What are the causes and consequences of failed states in international relations?
• How does the distribution of power in international institutions affect their legitimacy?
• What are the implications of emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence, on international security?
• How do regional conflicts and security dilemmas impact regional integration efforts?
• What are the root causes of terrorism?
• How does economic interdependence shape interstate relations and global governance structures?
• What are the challenges of global environmental governance in addressing climate change?

International Relations Paper Topics

Choose one of our international relations paper topics that resonate with your interests and embark on an enriching research journey:

• The role of ideology in shaping state behavior in international relations
• Analyzing the impact of economic sanctions on diplomatic relations between countries
• The role of media and propaganda in influencing public opinion in international conflicts
• Exploring the relationship between globalization and cultural identity in international relations
• The implications of cybersecurity threats on national security and international relations
• Assessing the role of intelligence agencies in gathering and analyzing international intelligence
• Analyzing the impact of regional organizations on regional conflicts and cooperation in international relations
• The influence of international trade agreements on global economic and political relations
• Exploring the dynamics of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation in international relations
• The role of international law in resolving territorial disputes and promoting peace
• Non-state actors in international relations: Influence and challenges
• Conflict resolution mechanisms: Negotiation, mediation, and peacebuilding approaches
• Diplomatic immunity: Balancing immunity with accountability in international relations
• The impact of global pandemics on international cooperation and security

Engaging Topic Ideas About International Relations

Are you seeking engaging and captivating topic ideas for your international relations research? Choose one of these engaging topic ideas about international relations:

• Global governance and international organizations in addressing global challenges.
• Nationalism’s impact on international relations and global cooperation.
• Soft power in shaping international perceptions and relations.
• Regional conflicts’ implications for global stability and security.
• Cyber warfare: Assessing evolving cyber threats in international relations.
• Media’s role in international relations: Influence, propaganda, and disinformation.
• Economic interdependence: Opportunities and risks in global relations.
• Diplomacy in the digital age: Challenges of virtual diplomacy.
• Global migration and refugee crises: Humanitarian and political dimensions.
• Human rights in international relations: Promoting universal rights.
• Terrorism’s impact on global security and counterterrorism efforts.
• Environmental diplomacy: Addressing global environmental challenges.
• Religion’s role in international relations.
• Regional power dynamics: Influence of major powers in different regions

Interesting International Relations Research Paper Topics

Uncover fascinating research paper topics in international relations that will captivate your readers and showcase your analytical skills. Use one of these interesting international relations research paper topics:

• Populism’s rise and its impact on international relations and global governance
• Climate change’s geopolitical implications: Conflicts, migrations, and resource competition
• Hybrid warfare: Analyzing blurred lines between conventional and unconventional threats
• Technology’s impact on diplomacy and the future of diplomatic practices
• Nuclear energy diplomacy: Balancing peaceful uses and proliferation concerns
• Soft power and cultural industries’ influence in international relations
• Politics of humanitarian aid: Challenges and ethical considerations
• Media framing’s impact on public opinion in international conflicts
• International cooperation in space exploration and its geopolitical implications
• Diaspora communities’ role in shaping international relations and global politics
• Migration policies and human rights: Balancing border control and human dignity
• Global health governance: Cooperation, challenges, and pandemic responses
• Environmental peacebuilding: Addressing conflicts over natural resources and degradation
• Economic sanctions: Effectiveness and ethical implications in international relations

Political Science Dissertation Topics

Our list of political science dissertation topics will provide you with a solid foundation for developing a unique research proposal and making a significant contribution to the field:

• The role of political ideologies in foreign policy and international relations.
• National security strategies and state behavior in international relations.
• Global governance and collective decision-making challenges in international institutions.
• Public opinion’s influence on foreign policy and international relations.
• Identity politics and intergroup relations in international contexts.
• Humanitarian interventions and the responsibility to protect.
• Geopolitics and resource conflicts: Strategic importance of natural resources.
• International law’s role in shaping state behavior and resolving conflicts.
• Comparative political systems in international relations.
• Political leadership’s impact on diplomatic relations and cooperation.
• International development assistance: Aid effectiveness and challenges.
• Non-state actors in global politics: Influence, networks, power dynamics.
• Intelligence agencies in international intelligence gathering and analysis.
• Political parties and foreign policy shaping

Current International Relations Topics For Research Paper

Stay up to date with the latest developments in global politics by exploring our selection of current international relations topics for research paper writing :

• Emerging technologies’ impact on global security and power dynamics.
• Transnational threats: Terrorism, crime, and cyber challenges in focus.
• Regional integration in globalization: Achievements, limitations, and prospects.
• Trade wars: Implications for global economy and cooperation.
• Disinformation and fake news: Influence on international politics and public opinion.
• Climate change negotiations: Progress and challenges in combating global warming
• Cybersecurity and emerging threats in international relations.
• Regional power dynamics in the Middle East: Implications for global security
• Global responses to the COVID-19 pandemic: Cooperation and challenges
• Climate change mitigation and adaptation in international policy
• Rising nationalism and its impact on international cooperation
• Humanitarian crisis in Yemen: International responses and challenges
• Technology and the future of warfare: Implications for global security
• The Belt and Road Initiative: Assessing its impact on international relations

Awesome Research Topics For International Relations

Our awesome research topics for international relations allow you to explore diverse areas of global politics and contribute to the field with your exceptional research:

• NGOs’ role in shaping international policies and agendas
• Humanitarian interventions and the responsibility to protect: Effectiveness and ethics
• Cybersecurity challenges in international relations: Risks and responses
• Global migration governance: Policies and implications
• Globalization vs national sovereignty: Impacts on state behavior
• China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Geopolitical influence and challenges
• Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation: Effectiveness of treaties
• Gender in international relations: Impact of norms and policies
• Post-colonial perspectives in international relations: Power dynamics and legacies
• Climate justice and international cooperation: Addressing climate change
• Regional organizations in global governance and international relations
• Politics of humanitarian intervention: Strategies and outcomes
• Political economy of international trade: Impact of policies and agreements
• Populism’s impact on democracy and international relations

Controversial International Relations Topics

Delve into the realm of controversy and discourse with our thought-provoking controversial international relations topics:

• Drones in targeted killings: Legal and ethical implications
• Nuclear energy and non-proliferation: Benefits and risks
• Intervention in state sovereignty: Legitimacy and consequences
• Ethics of economic sanctions: Effectiveness and impact on civilians
• Cyber warfare and international norms: Regulating cyber conflicts
• Climate change’s impact on national security and conflicts
• Intelligence agencies in covert operations and international relations
• Politics of humanitarian aid: Motivations and challenges
• Ethics of military intervention: Justifications and consequences
• Politics of regime change: Motivations and implications
• Media bias’s impact on international perceptions and diplomacy
• Private military companies: Challenges and accountability
• Politics of disarmament and arms control: Progress and challenges
• Corporate interests’ influence on foreign policy and relations

Best International Relations Topics For 2023

Stay ahead of the curve with our selection of the best international relations topics for 2023. These carefully curated topics reflect the current trends, emerging challenges and pressing issues:

• COVID-19 pandemic’s implications on global politics and international relations
• Rise of populism and its impact on democracy and international cooperation
• Cybersecurity challenges in a hyper-connected world: Risks and responses
• Future of international cooperation in addressing global challenges and conflicts
• Climate change and security: Implications for international relations and stability
• Evolving role of regional powers in shaping global politics and relations
• Technological advancements’ impact on state power and international relations
• Global governance reform: Restructuring international institutions
• Social media’s role in shaping international perceptions and political movements
• Challenges and prospects of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation
• Intersection of artificial intelligence and international relations
• Impact of trade wars on global economic relations and cooperation
• Geopolitical tensions in the Arctic: Resource competition and influence
• Future of multilateralism: Relevance and effectiveness in a changing world

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We have also prepared a list of best topics on the following disciplines:

• 122 Best Ecology Topics To Sparkle Your Writing
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How do I choose a research topic in international relations?

Consider your interests, current events, and gaps in existing literature to identify an area of focus. Brainstorm potential topics and ensure they align with your research objectives.

What makes a strong international relations research paper?

A strong research paper includes a well-defined research question, solid theoretical framework, rigorous analysis, credible sources, and logical structure. It should also contribute to the existing body of knowledge.

How can I narrow down my international relations research topic?

Consider specific regions, actors, theories, or policy areas within international relations. Narrowing down your topic will allow for a more focused and manageable research paper.

Can I use case studies in my international relations research paper?

Yes, case studies can be valuable in providing empirical evidence and in-depth analysis. They help illustrate theoretical concepts and offer real-world examples to support your arguments.

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War Research Paper

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I. Introduction

Academic writing, editing, proofreading, and problem solving services, get 10% off with 24start discount code, ii. theoretical overview, b. war initiation, iii. empirical evidence, iv. policy implications, a. the cold war, v. future directions, vi. conclusion.

The question of why states go to war has long been central to the study of international relations. The various answers put forward by scholars to this question have led to vigorous debates both between and within competing theoretical traditions that purport to explain state behavior. As this question has been studied over time, scholars have not settled on any one explanation for why some states choose to fight (or choose not to fight), why certain states enter into rivalries (or choose to end rivalries), or why factors that lead to conflict in one situationmay not lead to conflict in another. For much of the post–World War II era, the study of conflict was greatly impacted by the ongoing cold war rivalry between the United States of America and the Soviet Union; this rivalry not only had the potential of leading to major war involving both of these countries and their allies but also had substantial impact throughout the world as new states were emerging from colonization and were often forced to choose sides in the larger cold war rivalry. The end of the cold war, however, led to numerous new questions, including how one state that, by most measures, was among the most powerful states ever to have existed could cease to exist almost overnight; whether a new rival to U.S. power would emerge; what shape conflict would take in the post–cold war era; and, perhaps most importantly, what the end of the cold war said about international relations scholarship, almost none of which predicted the end of the cold war.

This research paper on rivalry, conflict, and interstate war begins with an examination of the evolution of major theories of why states enter into rivalries and conflict. Given the expanse of explanations for state behavior, this research paper will focus primarily on realism and neorealism, the evolution of neorealism, constructivism, democratic peace theory, and rational choice explanations for the start of conflict. This section is not an exhaustive account of all theories of state behavior but does capture much of the debate over why states fight. Next, the research paper turns to the ways in which empirical evidence is used to support or question various theoretical arguments. Finally, the paper examines both real and potential policy implications of international relations scholarship before turning to a discussion of future avenues of research.

The destruction wrought by World War I led to an immediate questioning of how the states of Europe had allowed themselves to enter into such a devastating conflict and, as importantly, how to avoid future conflicts. Policymakers, led by U.S. PresidentWoodrowWilson, fervently believed in the principles of idealism, a view that appropriately designed international institutions that provided appropriate legal avenues to redress grievances, coupled with a system of collective security, could prevent major power wars in the future. The result of this belief was the creation of the League of Nations, an organization that would adjudicate disputes between states before they descended into conflict and, should one state attack another, lead a collective response of all member states against the aggressor state (collective security). The League of Nations faced many setbacks, not the least of which was the failure of the United States Senate to ratify the Treaty of Versailles, meaning that the United States, then the world’s largest economy, would not be a member. As the League of Nations proved unable to successfully confront series of challenges in the 1930s, including German abrogation of the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Italian aggression against Ethiopia, and the Japanese invasion of Manchuria, idealism as a both a theoretical and policy exercise appeared to be a failure. World War II simply furthered the point.

After World War II, Hans Morgenthau (1948) published his seminal work, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace. In this work, Morgenthau argued that one of the primary failures of idealism was that it had attempted to impose morality on the state without recognizing the underlying cause of conflict: the perpetual pursuit of power. In the book, he argued that states did not abide by the same moral rules as individuals in their normal interactions; rather, each state was concerned primarily with the national interest, as defined by the pursuit of power. The most capable politicians would be those who appropriately considered each action in terms of whether it would benefit the national interest, not primarily whether it was moral. According to Morgenthau, war was the inevitable result of clashes between states competing to increase their power and could not be ended by the creation of international institutions, as the idealists had argued.

Morgenthau’s (1948) work, though well respected, did have its flaws. Primary among them was that by arguing that states were always seeking power, his theory did not allow for variation that would explain when and why war was likely to occur. In particular, Kenneth Waltz (1979) argued that a good social science explanation had to have some variation in explanation (the independent variable) that explained a variation in outcome (the dependent variable). By not having any variation in explanation, Morgenthau’s theory could not explain why states were not in a perpetual state of war. In summary, states seeking power was a background assumption, not an explanation for war. Waltz’s ultimate answer to Morgenthau and traditional realism was Theory of International Politics in 1979, a work that he argued was not an attempt to explain or predict a state’s foreign policy behavior, but rather to provide a general explanation for the propensity for balances of power to emerge in the international system and, in general terms, what distribution of power in the international system is the most stable. In this work, Waltz laid the groundwork for the neorealist school of thought.

Waltz (1979) argues that the best explanation of state behavior is based on three assumptions: (1) States are unitary actors—each state can be thought of as an autonomous decision maker, (2) states are security seeking— each state pursues policies that will maximize its own external security, and (3) the international system is anarchic—there is no authority over states to which they must answer or to which they can appeal. Since states are driven primarily by security interests, states will seek to balance against states that are more powerful as no international agent could prevent the more powerful state from attacking them. If one state begins to emerge as more powerful than all others, alliances will shift to balance that state’s power. Based on these assumptions, Waltz argues that the primary source of variation in the international system is the structure of the distribution of power between states. A system with one dominant state is unipolar, a system dominated by two states is bipolar, and a system dominated by more than two states is multipolar. According to Waltz, rivalries between states are driven by the logic of the balance of power. The Soviet Union and the United States competed with one another not because they were ideologically opposed, but rather because they were the two most powerful states in the system: The logic of the balance of power dictated that they be rivals.

Waltz (1979) went on to argue that war is less likely in a bipolar system than in a multipolar one. His argument rests on the difference between external and internal balancing. External balancing requires states to depend on allies in order to balance other powerful states in the international system; no state is powerful enough to balance others individually. Internal balancing, in contrast, is the process whereby a state uses its own resources to build up its security, not relying on allies. In a multipolar system, states have to rely on external balancing since no state is individually powerful enough to balance other states in the system; the competition for allies and the potential for one ally to pull others into a conflict makes external balancing relatively less stable than internal balancing.When states balance internally, as they are able to do in a bipolar world, they are less likely to compete for allies and less likely to be drawn into conflict due to the behavior of allies. Therefore, a bipolar system, according to Waltz, should be more stable.

Waltz’s (1979) explanation of the distribution of power in the international system fit nicely with Robert Jervis’s (1978) “Cooperation Under the Security Dilemma,” an article examining the effects of anarchy in the international system. Jervis expands on the concept of the security dilemma, which is related to the idea of balance of power. In essence, the security dilemma is the problem that in the anarchic international system, any action by a state to build up its ability to defend itself lessens the security of other states. The reason for this insecurity is that any increase in military capability of one state necessarily makes surrounding states less secure. In turn, those states build up their capabilities, which lessen the security of the original state, leading it to build up again. This cycle explains that both states with purely defensive intentions may find themselves in an arms race and, if one state determines that it must use its weapons because it cannot afford additional buildups, potential conflict. To this basic concept, Jervis added the variable of whether offensive weapons or defensive weapons were dominant in an era and whether this dominance could be perceived. In an era where most weapons and tactics are offensive in nature and this dominance is recognized by all, war becomes more likely as states must use their weapons offensively in order to defeat rivals. When defensive weapons and tactics are dominant and all states recognize this, war is less likely as states perceive attacking a rival to be more difficult. Like Waltz, Jervis’s argument considers rivalry to be a function of anarchy: States are in security dilemmas with one another—rivalry relationships— because the nature of the international system is anarchic.

Other neorealists expanded on the theory or challenged some of Waltz’s core assumptions. Stephen Walt (1987) expanded Waltz’s original work, which applied only to great powers, to regional settings, arguing that state behavior was not necessarily always to balance against a larger power, but also, at times, to join, or bandwagon, with a more powerful state. His work focused on factors other than the balance of power to determine that states actually balance against threat, not just power. The factors that shape threat include power, geographic proximity, offensive power, and aggressive intentions. Geography is particularly important in a regional setting since geographically proximate states are more likely to have the military capability sufficient to attack one another and to compete over issues such as contested borders and resources. He argues that balancing is more common than bandwagoning behavior but that certain conditions favor the latter over the former. In particular, when states are faced with a much stronger power, they may bandwagon, particularly if no other ally is readily available. In addition, particularly aggressive states are more prone to provoke balancing behavior. For Walt, then, rivalry relationships are driven by a combination of factors—it is not only the power of surrounding states, but also their proximity and the perception that those states are threatening.

For critics of the neorealist explanation of rivalry and conflict, Walt’s inclusion of aggressive intent revealed a fundamental flaw in neorealism: that it did not account for state intentions. In essence, by relying only on the security dilemma and anarchy, neorealism had no real explanation for why states would choose to fight. As the cold war drew to an end and then ended spectacularly with the collapse of the Soviet Union, several different strands of scholarship rose up in response to neorealism. Neoclassical realism returned to the teachings of Morgenthau to conclude that power matters and states are security seekers but that, at its core, war is caused by states with aggressive intent, commonly referred to as revisionist states. These states are dissatisfied with the status quo in the world, particularly institutions that may be designed to maintain existing power structures, and seek to topple that existing order.

Other scholars argued that a focus on power alone was problematic if no attention was paid to the meaning of that power. Scholars in this new school of thought, known as constructivism, were led by Alexander Wendt (1992), particularly his article “Anarchy Is What States Make of It.” In this article,Wendt argues that actors interact to create intersubjective meanings. In essence, states continuously interact to create and re-create their relationship. The identities they create affect their perceptions of the other’s intent and the use of power. In this way, according to Wendt, U.S. military power will have different meanings for states depending on their relationship with the United States. Canada, for example, is far less concerned about American military power than Cuba. Similarly, the United States is far more concerned about one or two nuclear weapons in the hands of Iran than hundreds in the hands of Israel, or with China’s nuclear arsenal as opposed to the United Kingdom’s. If all that mattered were power, constructivists argue, the United States would feel just as threatened by the United Kingdom as China (or the Soviet Union in the cold war). For constructivist, then, rivalry relationships are created and re-created over time through interactions of actors. The United States–Soviet cold war was the result not just of the presence of nuclear weapons and large conventional forces, but also of the continual perception of the other as an enemy, and behaviors on both sides that reinforced that perception. Constructivist explanations allow for factors such as culture, religion, and national identity to play a role in establishing rivalries, though such factors are not always at play in constructivist work.

At the same time, for Wendt (1992), anarchy does not require states to be competitive or to enter into security dilemmas; rather, they are able to interact in other ways. Some states have managed to reorient their identities over time. For example, Germany and France have left rivalry behind in the context of the European Union; Egypt and Israel, once bitter combatants, have a long-lasting peace agreement; and Japan and the United States, bitter enemies in World War II, emerged as powerful allies.

Although many of these theories provide an explanation for why rivalries emerge, whether it is simply balancing behavior in the case of neorealism or the construction of rivalry identities in constructivism, often they provide less explanation for the actual outbreak of war. To summarize, the theories may help explain which states are likely to fight but are less able to explain the actual initiation of conflict. This research paper now turns to a section that reviews some theoretical explanations for the initiation of conflict, though, like this section on rivalry, it is not a complete reflection on why wars occur.

Neorealism as described by Waltz (1979) and even as modified by Walt (1987) does not purport to explain the timing of decisions to go to war. Neither does constructivism; like neorealism, constructivism seeks to understand the reasons why rivalries emerge (and subside) between states but is not as effective at explaining the microcauses of war initiation. Several other veins of theoretical scholarship, however, purport to explain particular decisions to enter into conflict. This section focuses initially on variants of neorealist explanations for war before shifting to a discussion of expected utility theory.

Some neorealist scholars, drawing on the insight of scholars like Waltz, argue that much like rivalry, the decision to fight war is driven by the balance of power. In particular, many neorealists, particularly followers of power transition theory, coalesce around the idea that war is most likely to occur during a transition phase in the prevailing international power structure. In essence, when one state is beginning to surpass the strength of another, war is likely to occur. Scholars differ on which state is likely to initiate conflict; some argue that a rising revisionist state will challenge the old dominant power(s) as soon as it is able in order to confirm its status as the most powerful in the system and to overturn the existing order that was designed to benefit another state (see Organski & Kugler, 1980). Others argue that war is more likely to be initiated by the state in relative decline; as a rising state begins to challenge its place as the most powerful in the system, the old power(s) will initiate a war to prevent the new state from rising up (see Copeland, 2000).

Critics of this approach make the point that the focus on power alone still does not explain war initiation per se in that it does not purport to explain on which issues rising and declining powers will disagree. Constructivists, in particular, would argue that at the turn of the 20th century, the United States surpassed both the United Kingdom and Germany as the most powerful economy in the world and had begun to establish itself as a military power with the Spanish American War. Nonetheless, no one legitimately feared a British–American showdown. On the other hand, Germany and Britain did enter into a rivalry relationship that led eventually to war. This outcome begs the question of why one set of states fought while the others did not.

One large vein of literature that attempts to explain state decision making, including decisions of war and peace, is expected utility theory. Expected utility theory (EUT) is a use of rational choice theory to explain state decisions. Though many scholars use variants of EUT, rational choice, or both, one of the most influential works leading to the theories development in international relations is Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and David Lalman’s (1992) War and Reason (see also work by Fearon, 1995; Schultz, 2001). This work, like all rational choice theory, does rest on certain assumptions. First, these theories assume that individual actors behave as if they are rational. Second, actors have a set of preferences that they are able to rank order. Third, actors are able to assess the cost and benefits of different alternatives to achieve their preferences. Finally, by weighing costs and benefits, actors choose between these alternatives to maximize their expected utility. Bueno de Mesquita and Lalman focus on each state’s leader as the actor ultimately responsible for making decisions regarding war and peace. It is important to note that neither they, nor most other rational choice theorists, argue that leaders are infallible. The leaders weigh different factors and make mistakes, either in the calculation of the costs of one action or the potential benefit of attaining certain desires. An actor’s actions may also be influenced by norms and values—some actors may not consider certain actions because the actions are deemed unacceptable.

The theory works by looking at a given situation and determining what course of action helps the state (or leader) maximize utility. If two states disagree over a border, for example, the leaders of the two states must weigh different courses of action that are possible. For the purposes of this example, let us say that State A must choose whether to do nothing, initiate negotiations, or initiate an attempt to take the territory by force. To each action, State B has a similar set of choices (do nothing, negotiate, or respond with force). If State B does not respond with force to an initiation of force by A, it is presumed that A wins that interaction. One important aspect of EUT comes through in this example, however: For conflict to occur, the two states must have incompatible preferences. In this case, both states want the same piece of territory. In another case, it may be control over certain resources or influence in a third state. Power competition may matter in the calculations of leaders, but conflict occurs over conflicts in desired outcomes.

One possibility that EUT allows is that leaders will make decisions at least in part designed to keep them in power. The diversionary war theory, a variant of EUT, argues that leaders faced with political unrest at home may initiate a crisis or war in order to improve their domestic political standing by “gambling for resurrection” (see Downs & Rocke, 1994; Smith, 1996). Though not all theorists making this argument use an explicit rational choice framework, the argument fits well. Leaders weigh the possibility of losing office without initiating a conflict versus the possibility of losing office if they initiate conflict. If they determine that they are more likely to maintain office by initiating conflict, they may do so. Proponents of diversionary war arguments often point to the Falkland Islands conflict between Argentina and the United Kingdom in 1982 as a prime example of leaders facing domestic difficulties (Argentina’s in this case) initiating a crisis over islands possessed by the United Kingdom but claimed by Argentina, in order to improve their domestic standing. Argentina ultimately lost the conflict, and the military government in Argentina fell.

EUT does draw a number of criticisms. First, it assumes that state leaders do make rational calculations about the cost and benefits of various actions. Critics of this approach argue that most people are incapable of making such complex calculations and point to the numerous mistakes leaders seem to make in decisions to initiate conflict as an example. For example, Robert Jervis’s (1976) Perception and Misperception in International Politics examines numerous causes of leaders making flawed judgments due to a variety of factors that impaired their decision making. In particular, leaders are often more accepting of information that confirms their previously held beliefs than information that contradicts it; leaders misinterpret the intentions of enemies, often seeing all actions by a perceived enemy in a negative light; and leaders may underestimate the cost of acting when they are predisposed to act and may overestimate costs when predisposed to do nothing. In response, rational choice theorists do acknowledge that people are not perfect decision makers but that, on balance, leaders exhibit what is termed bounded rationality. In essence, leaders do pursue the actions that they perceive to be the most beneficial, even when mistaken.

A second criticism is that rational leaders should probably never fight a war since some mutually agreeable negotiated settlement should exist that is preferable to suffering the cost of war. James Fearon’s (1995) “Rationalist Explanations for War” answers this criticism by arguing that war is essentially an exercise in seeking information. If leaders knew the outcome of a war in advance, they would not fight because a negotiated settlement in which neither side would suffer the cost of war would be preferable. Leaders, however, lack certain information. They believe they know the relative military capabilities of the two sides, and they believe that they know their level of resolve—roughly the cost they are willing to bear to win (measured in lives lost, expenditures, time, etc.). Likewise, leaders have information about the other side’s capability and resolve. These estimations, both of a state’s own power and of the opponent’s power, are imperfect. As wars are fought, information about these factors becomes available; when one side is clearly winning, the two sides update their knowledge about each other and are able to achieve a negotiated settlement. This explanation is also important in that it has been used by other scholars as a launching point to explain the reemergence of conflict and rivalries. Conflicts that end with clear victors are less likely to reemerge in the future than conflicts in which neither side is clearly defeated, since states have better information about their relative capabilities.

A third criticism of rational choice theory is more difficult to address: This criticism is that rational choice, while a useful tool, does not provide an effective explanation for preference formation of actors or for the methods that some actors are willing to use but others are not. Some rational choice theorists make room for the role of other theoretical explanations to establish the basic preferences of actors, including the possibility of normative restraints on options available to actors. More complex models take such factors into account by assigning them weights in a theory—some actors may weigh normative constraints more heavily than others. Some actors may be more willing to accept risk than others—something that can be modeled. The ability to include all such factors into a model does further the criticism, however, by suggesting that by incorporating so many possible factors into models, rational choice theorists may be providing insufficient explanations of behavior. In essence, in any particular case, a post hoc model can be constructed to provide a perfectly rational explanation for a state’s or leader’s behavior.

The best way to resolve this dilemma from a rational choice standpoint is to fully specify the source of an actor’s preference. As noted previously, some scholars, including Bueno de Mesquita, assume that political survival is the ultimate goal of a leader. Decisions on rivalry, conflict, and war are made with an eye to how those decisions impact political survival for a leader or party. In this manner, decisions to go to war that could be detrimental to remaining in power—whether due to loss in war or domestic unpopularity—are unlikely to be made, while decisions that lead to a leader’s staying in power will be made. In some instances, a leader may be unlikely to remain in power regardless of decisions made and may, in fact, gamble that a certain action, if successful, will result in his staying in power, no matter how unlikely that outcome is (a very small chance of staying in power may be better than no chance of staying in power). Even in specifying assumptions ahead of time, however, rational choice theories may be accused of post hoc rationalization—the idea that any action a leader made can be rationalized after the fact. By the same token, postevent analysis may also lead to the opposite criticism: that a leader should have realized the actions he was taking would lead to a fiasco.

In concluding this section, it is important to note that explanations for why states consider other parties to be rivals and why they fight may or may not be related. Neorealist theories may be combined to explain both (a) that states will balance against any state that is larger and (b) war occurs when one state is threatening to displace another in the power order. On the other hand, neoclassical realists, constructivists, and rational choice theories would all argue that there must be some form of disagreement for conflict to occur. For neoclassical realists, a revisionist state unhappy with the status quo may be necessary; for constructivists, two states must share concepts of one another that preclude peaceful relations; for rational choice theorists, the explanation lies in incompatible preferences: Both states want something that requires a settlement with the other state.When one or both states believe it is more likely to achieve its preference through conflict, conflict occurs.

Empirical evidence for the different theoretical perspectives is somewhat hard to adjudicate. In this case, the history of the world, even if the analysis is limited to the 20th century or post–World War II era, is so rich with examples that support for many different theoretical perspectives is possible. For example, neorealists examining World Wars I and II often disagree about whether Germany was a state on the rise threatening to supplant the United Kingdom or Germany was already the dominant state threatened by a rising Russia, then a rising Soviet Union (for the former view, see Organski & Kugler, 1980; for the latter view, see Copeland, 2000). Historical details can be argued to support both positions. Debates on empirical support for various theories in international relations often come down to debates on the appropriate methodology for studying the issue. Some scholars focus on qualitative approaches (e.g., Copeland; Mearsheimer, 2001), using in-depth analysis of a few select cases to demonstrate their arguments, while others use statistical analysis of interactions between many different states over time (e.g., Diehl & Goertz, 2000; Vasquez & Henehan, 2007). Scholars emphasizing the qualitative approach argue that studying cases in depth provides a more nuanced understanding of the factors that lead to certain outcomes. More quantitatively focused scholars argue that by looking only at a small subset of cases, qualitative work may not sufficiently explain a wide range of cases or may misapply lessons from a few exceptional cases. Quantitative work, on the other hand, is often criticized for being probabilistic—it can explain tendencies but may not explain the particulars of many cases.

Nonetheless, the combination of quantitative and qualitative work on rivalries has led to some interesting conclusions. First, interstate wars frequently recur between the same sets of actors, suggesting that rivalries between states are an important source of international conflicts. Although conflicts are often between similarly sized opponents (suggesting balancing behavior), that is not always the case. As important appears to be a factor suggested by Fearon’s work and followed up by others: the importance of a clear victor. In wars where one side does not achieve a clear victory or outside actors impose a ceasefire, war is more likely to reemerge than if one state achieves its principal war aims. Second, wars are often about incompatible preferences. Several scholars, led by John Vasquez, have emphasized the importance of territorial disputes in predicting where wars will occur. In a similar vein, research on enduring rivalries—relationships between states marked by repeated conflict—suggests that rivalries are often likely to emerge in postcolonial areas or after great power conflict, two times when borders are most in flux. A third finding in studies of enduring rivalries is that when one state in a rivalry is a democracy, the rivalry tends to be shorter, and if both states in a rivalry become democracies, it is likely to end. This finding is in keeping with the democratic peace literature that suggests democracies are highly unlikely to fight other democracies, though democracies may be just as war prone as other states with nondemocracies.

On this last point, recent studies have indicated that the interest of a state’s leader may influence decisions on war and, at times, peace. New quantitative research indicates that, contrary to the diversionary war argument discussed above, leaders are most likely to start conflicts when they are secure in office. Although some examples of leaders gambling for their jobs may exist, on balance, most wars are started by leaders who are not facing significant opposition. This finding holds across regime types (Chiozza & Goemans, 2003).

Nonetheless, as continued disagreement on the real causes of World Wars I and II demonstrate, empirical questions regarding the sources of rivalries and conflict are not fully settled. International relations are quite complex; no simple, concise explanation has been found that explains the particulars of all conflicts or rivalries, though, as discussed previously, certain patterns have emerged from the data over time. Conclusions drawn from the data, however, may impact the policy decisions of states, as is discussed in the next section.

Understanding the dynamics of rivalry formation and the initiation of conflict has the potential to help prevent future conflicts. Frequently, however, it seems that insights from international relations theory either do not inform the decisions of policymakers or are misapplied. This section focuses on aspects of U.S. decision making during the cold war, the U.S. war in Iraq, and U.S. actions vis-à-vis China.

During the cold war, the United States worked to maintain a system of alliances around the world to contain the Soviet Union. The United States fought wars on the Korean peninsula and in Vietnam to support allies that were not central to the defense of U.S. security in the interest of preventing the spread of communism. It also spent a great deal of money and provided arms to countries around the world in order to ensure that they were friendlier to the United States than to the Soviet Union, sometimes supporting insurgencies against Soviet-backed governments. Although this section focuses on the United States, it is important to note that the Soviet Union engaged in similar behavior. International relations theory in general would not seem to be very sympathetic to these actions. Neorealists, particularly those influenced by Waltz, would argue that in a bipolar system, the primary focus of balancing behavior should be internal, not external. The United States may have expended resources it did not need to in order to confront the Soviet Union.

Neoclassical realism and constructivism would also seem to have suggested that the United States use a more cautious approach. For neoclassical realists, if the United States was perceived as a threat by engaging in aggressive acts, even ones intended to confront communism, balancing behavior against the United States should have been expected. Although U.S. policymakers seemed to have believed that the United States had to demonstrate its strength around the world to encourage states to ally with it, the predominant conclusion of neorealist theory is that states balance against the most powerful actors in the system. For constructivists, by continuing to treat the Soviet Union and all communist states as enemies and interpreting all actions through that lens, the United States helped to perpetuate the cold war dynamic.

In terms of the war in Iraq, two prominent neorealist scholars, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt (2003), penned an article prior to the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, arguing against the move. Part of President George W. Bush’s motivation in invading Iraq was the spread of democracy to the Middle East, which seems to be based on the democratic peace theory that arose from international relations scholarship. Walt and Mearsheimer argued, however, that the war would not serve U.S. interest for several reasons, primarily because Iraq was not a true threat and could be easily deterred, contained, or both. They further noted that the war could have unintended consequences, and that an aggressive, unilateral foreign policy by the United States could provoke balancing behavior. Although the Bush administration did use the notion of democratic peace to help justify the invasion, on a larger level international relations theory seems not to have played a large role in the decision-making process.

Regarding China, different international relations theories suggest different futures—and recommended courses of action—for U.S. policy. If neorealism is correct and the natural tendency of states is to balance against more powerful ones, the United States should continue to expect China to build up its military and should, in fact, continue to arm itself in an effort to defend itself against China. In the neorealist view of the world as anarchic, states must be prepared to defend themselves. In this case, the United States must be ready to defend itself and its interests against China. Note that this does not mean that the United States should take an aggressive tone or provoke confrontations with China—neorealists would not want the United States to hasten balancing behavior even if it is inevitable.

Neoclassical realism, although concerned about Chinese power, would also concern itself with Chinese intent. Is China a revisionist state that is dissatisfied with the status quo? If China is dissatisfied, then the United States should be alarmed. If it is not or if the United States can reasonably accommodate China without weakening its own position, the United States may have little to fear in a more powerful China. Finally, constructivism would suggest that the United States will have a major role to play in defining its future relationship with China. If the United States treats China primarily as a threat, China is likely to reciprocate, and the relationship may become one marked by rivalry, much like the cold war. If, on the other hand, the United States seeks to work with China as a partner, a rivalry relationship becomes much less likely. This debate on the preferred approach to China is ongoing both in government and among international relations scholars. Organizations such as the Council on Foreign Relations, a well-respected nonpartisan foreign policy organization, have held numerous forums and published several books examining this question, eliciting debate from individuals from multiple schools of thought.

To conclude, international relations theory often produces policy recommendations that are at odds with the policies ultimately chosen by the United States. Nonetheless, some prominent academics, including Henry Kissinger and Condoleezza Rice at the highest levels and individuals such as Joseph Nye and Larry Diamond at lower levels, have played a role in policy formation. Potential reasons that scholars of international relations have had a difficult time in influencing policy on questions of conflict may include (a) a focus on explaining past conflicts rather than predicting future behavior, (b) widespread disagreement among scholars on preferred policies, and (c) theoretic explanations that do not always readily translate into policy prescriptions. Finally, it may also be the case that theory could lead to self-fulfilling prophecies. If the United States engages in balancing behavior with China at the behest of neorealist scholarship and China reciprocates, both neorealists and constructivists could claim to be correct. Constructivists would be able to argue that the United States provoked the balancing behavior with its actions, while the neorealists would argue that China’s behavior proved them to be correct all along.

The international system is in a constant state of change, a fact recognized even by scholars who argue that the basic motivations of states are consistent over time. Among the questions with which future scholars must grapple are these: (a) Will the United States and China emerge as rivals in a new cold war; (b) do terrorists organizations such as al Qaeda represent a true threat to the traditional notions of statehood; (c) has economic globalization, particularly close ties between the economies of states like China and the United States, lessened the likelihood of future wars; (d) have normative shifts over the past 60 years made states less likely to resort to war; and finally (e) what will future conflict look like?

Each of these questions has an impact on the future study of international relations. Part of the answer to the first question may depend on the advice that international relations scholars provide to policymakers on the United States–China relationship. Question two addresses an underlying assumption of this research paper: that states matter. Future scholars must weigh the balance they give to interstate war and rivalry versus war between states and nonstate actors. The third question asks whether economic ties and economic globalization have changed the way states interact. The United States is a major market for Chinese goods; any conflict between China and the United States would be bad from an economic standpoint. In answer to the fourth question, constructivists would argue that the use of war as an instrument of policy simply is not accepted among states as it once was and that states who engage in aggressive war—even the United States—face consequences for their actions. Finally, the weapons and tactics of war have evolved over time. Future wars may not look like past ones; for example, many states, now including the United States, have dedicated commands that focus on cyberwarfare. These are just some of the questions facing the field of international relations; they do not even address debates that still continue over the causes of past events or unforeseen circumstances that will arise in the future.

This research paper has provided an introduction to several schools of thought on what leads to rivalries between states and the causes of interstate war. The field of international relations has many schools of thought that attempt to answer these questions, and the schools of thought themselves are subject to great debates. While neorealists focus on the role of power and the natural tendency to balance against power due to the vagaries of international anarchy and the need for security, constructivists emphasize that states and leaders have a role in constructing their own reality. Although these theories may provide some insight into which states will be rivals (states competing for power or states who enter a cycle of competition), they may be less powerful in explaining the actual emergence of war. For that, theories that analyze the preferences and actions of leaders provide useful insights into the decisions that lead to war. Such arguments often focus on the incompatibility of preferences between actors. Finally, the empirical evidence available does not lead to definitive conclusions. Sadly, the reality of the persistence of war affords ample opportunity for theorists to argue over war’s cause.

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