effects of bullying on society essay

Home ➔ Free Essay Examples ➔ Bullying Essay

Bullying Essay – Writing Guide

A bullying essay is a piece of writing that explores the issue of bullying, its causes, effects, and possible solutions. Bullying is a widespread problem that affects people of all ages, genders, and backgrounds. It is a form of aggressive behavior that can be physical, verbal, or psychological, and is often repeated over time. Bullying can significantly impact the mental and emotional well-being of those affected, leading to anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, and even suicide.

A bullying essay is an assignment that students can be required to write at all education levels. The problem of bullying is pervasive in schools and has many facets that must be addressed with equal consideration. That’s why there are many things you can write about in your essay on bullying. Read on to see a short essay example on this topic with a few comments and some topics you can use as examples for this assignment.

The bullying paper example below is divided into three core elements: introduction, body, and conclusion. Each part is followed by a short analysis of that part.

Bullying Essay Example (with commentaries)

Topic: The Three Major Effects of Bullying in Schools

Type: Informative Essay

Introduction

Bullying in schools has remained constant from decade to decade. Bullying is terrible for children in schools and can have various detrimental effects. According to the Centers for Disease Control and the Department of Education, bullying comprises three core elements: unwanted aggressive behavior, observed or perceived power imbalance, and repetition or high likelihood of repetition. It is alarming that almost 20% of students aged 12 to 18 experience bullying nationwide. School bullying can adversely affect kids, including health conditions, learning problems, low self-esteem, and mental health issues.

Introduction analysis:

The introduction oof this essay provides background information on bullying. Then, the writer uses statistics from credible sources as an attention hook, which is one of the good ways to start an essay. And it ends with a thesis statement that states the three main aspects that will be discussed in the essay. However, it lacks a proper transition between the hook and the thesis statement.

Body paragraphs

The first and one of the major negative effects of bullying in school is its ability to wreak havoc on a child’s health and well-being. Aside from physical injuries which may result from physical shoving or pushing, bullying can cause headaches, trouble sleeping, and stomach aches. The mind and body are connected; hence, any stressor to a child’s well-being can manifest as physical symptoms. Bullying may also aggravate pre-existing health conditions like skin, heart, and gastrointestinal diseases. The negative impact on a child’s health is one of the more obvious adverse effects of school bullying.

In addition to affecting the child’s physical health, bullying can cause learning struggles and delays in development. The academic impact on the child experiencing bullying can be overwhelming. Often, one of the first indicators that a child may be experiencing bullying is a sudden decline in grades or poor academic performance. Sometimes, kids are so caught up with how bullying makes them feel that they forget to study, don’t do their homework, or have difficulty paying attention in class and digesting the study material. Bullied children often make excuses to skip school, pretend to be sick, or lie to their parents about attending classes. Overall, the academic impact of bullying is one of the worst ones that must be considered when tackling the problem.

To make matters worse, besides negative physical health outcomes and unsatisfactory grades or a decline in academic achievement, kids who experience bullying in schools also suffer from poor self-esteem and mental health effects. For example, bullied kids tend to experience negative emotions such as social isolation, anger, loneliness, and more. In some cases with high school students, these negative emotions can lead to the misuse of drugs or alcohol. Bullying causes kids to feel poorly about themselves, increasing their risk for depression, anxiety, self-harm, or suicide. These effects can be short-term or long-lasting, even when bullying has ended.

Body analysis:

The body of the essay discusses the three main negative consequences of bullying mentioned in the thesis statement of this bullying essay. Each of these points is elaborated on with specific examples. The language used is clear and easy to understand. However, the essay does not flow smoothly from one point to the next and feels somewhat choppy as a result.

School bullying can have significant and detrimental negative effects on kids, including adverse health outcomes, inadequate academic performance, and mental struggles. Kids who are bullied are more likely to experience a manifestation of health conditions, which may become chronic. Bullying causes kids to be less likely to perform well academically and may cause them to skip class, thereby impacting their learning. Lastly, bullying causes kids to experience unhealthy emotions and poor self-esteem. Bullying is a chronic problem that we must continue to address in schools everywhere.

Conclusion analysis:

The essay’s conclusion restates the three main points of the body and reaffirms that bullying is a serious problem with far-reaching consequences. But, it feels somewhat abrupt and could be further developed at the very end, even though it is an informative piece.

97 Bullying Essay Examples – Here’s a PDF file with more examples of papers about bullying (by various authors). They vary in size and quality, so make sure to analyze them thoroughly.

What to Write About (Topics)

Below, you will find various ideas you can use to write an essay on bullying. The topics are divided by essay type as it will affect how you write and what you write about.

Expository essay : You can educate or inform your audience about bullying or define bullying from your unique perspective. Here are a few topic examples:

• Bullying in Primary and Secondary Schools
• How to Stand up to a Bully Effectively
• What Role Bystanders Play in Bullying Situations
• How to Support Someone Who is Being Bullied
• The Legal Repercussions of Bullying
• Existing Policies and Laws That Fight Bullying
• Best Ways to Handle Bullying for Educators
• How to Overcome the Consequences of Bullying
• Examples of Effective and Ineffective Anti-bullying Programs in Educational Institutions

Classification essay : You can explore and describe the types and subtypes of bullying. For example:

• Bullying in schools
• Workplace bullying
• Cyberbullying
• Bullying of children
• Bullying of teenagers
• Bullying of adults
• Verbal bullying
• Physical bullying
• Emotional bullying
• Racial bullying
• Religious bullying
• Cultural bullying
• Fat shaming

Problem-solution essay : You can explore and describe the possible solutions to bullying. Here are some topic examples for this bullying essay type:

• How schools can effectively address bullying
• The role of parents in preventing bullying
• How we can change the culture of bullying
• How we can support a bullying victim
• How to create a more positive school climate to prevent bullying

Cause and effect essay : You can explore and describe the effects of bullying or the causes that lead to bullying. Below are several topic samples:

• How bullying leads to school violence
• How bullying can lead students to suicidal thoughts
• The long-term effects of being bullied
• How bullying affects the academic performance of students
• The psychological consequences of bullying

Persuasive essay : You can try to take a stance on bullying and persuade the readers to take action. Such a bullying essay could be written on the following topics:

• School shootings: why do school shootings happen, and how can we prevent them?
• Repeated verbal abuse: how does repeated verbal abuse affect bullying victims, and what can be done to stop it?
• Family members: should family members be held responsible for bullying?
• Bystanders: what role do bystanders play in bullying, and how can we encourage them to take action?
• Social media: how does social media contribute to bullying, and what can be done to stop it?

Argumentative essay : You can argue your point of view on bullying or any of its aspects in an argumentative paper. Topic examples:

• What causes people to bully others?
• Can we end school bullying for sure?
• Should people who bully others be punished?
• Is there a difference between boys and girls who bully?
• Is there a link between bullying and poor mental health?

Narrative essay : You can tell your personal story related to bullying (if you have one) or a story of someone you know. Topic examples might include the following:

• How I studied bullying behavior for my project
• How spreading rumors ruined my middle-school life
• How other countries I have been to deal with school bullying
• Why I changed schools five times and don’t have many friends
• How it can get to you even through text messages

Bullying is a serious and growing problem affecting individuals, their families, and communities. It is a complex subject to broach and talk about because it provides little comfort to parents, but it should be discussed to implement strategies to mitigate bullying and its effects. And while it is true that some young people will likely “grow out of” being bullied, it’s also true that some never stop being bullied.

In conclusion, this essay guide on bullying has provided a comprehensive overview of the issue and its impact on individuals. It is a problem that affects individuals of all ages, backgrounds, and walks of life. By working together and taking action, we can help create a world where everyone feels safe, valued, and respected, and where bullying has no place. If you are writing an essay on this topic, this guide can serve as a valuable resource to help you better understand the issue and develop practical solutions to address it. Remember, if you or someone you know is being bullied, speaking out and seeking help is important.

Was this article helpful?

Preventing Bullying: Consequences, Prevention, and Intervention

• Suzanne Le Menestrel National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine

Bullying is considered to be a significant public health problem with both short- and long-term physical and social-emotional consequences for youth. A large body of research indicates that youth who have been bullied are at increased risk of subsequent mental, emotional, health, and behavioral problems, especially internalizing problems, such as low self-esteem, depression, anxiety, and loneliness. Given the growing awareness of bullying as a public health problem and the increasing evidence of short- and long-term physical, mental, emotional, and behavioral health and academic consequences of bullying behavior, there have been significant efforts at the practice, program, and policy levels to address bullying behavior. This article summarizes a recent consensus report from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, Preventing Bullying Through Science, Policy, and Practice , and what is known about the consequences of bullying behavior and interventions that attempt to prevent and respond to it.

Author Biography

Suzanne le menestrel, national academies of sciences, engineering, and medicine.

American Psychological Association Zero Tolerance Task Force. (2008). Are zero tolerance policies effective in the schools?: An evidentiary review and recommendations. American Psychologist, 63(9) 852-862. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.63.9.852

Beran, T. (2009). Correlates of peer victimization and achievement: An exploratory model. Psychology in the Schools, 46(4), 348-361. https://doi.org/10.1002/pits.20380

Beran, T. N., Hughes, G., & Lupart, J. (2008). A model of achievement and bullying: Analyses of the Canadian National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth data. Educational Research, 50(1), 25-39. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131880801920379

Beran, T. N., & Lupart, J. (2009). The relationship between school achievement and peer harassment in Canadian adolescents: The importance of mediating factors. School Psychology International, 30(1), 75-91. https://doi.org/10.1177/0143034308101851

Boccanfuso, C., & Kuhfeld, M. (2011, March). Multiple responses, promising results: Evidence-based nonpunitive alternatives to zero tolerance (Research to Results Brief, Child Trends Publication No. 2011-09). http://www.childtrends.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/Child_Trends-2011_03_01_RB_AltToZeroTolerance.pdf

Bradshaw, C. P. (2015). Translating research to practice in bullying prevention. American Psychologist, 70(4), 322. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0039114

de Bruyn, E., Cillessen, A., & Wissink, I. (2010). Associations of peer acceptance and perceived popularity with bullying and victimization in early adolescence. Journal of Early Adolescence, 30(4), 543-566. https://doi.org/10.1177/0272431609340517

Dijkstra, J. K., Lindenberg, S., & Veenstra, R. (2008). Beyond the class norm: Bullying behavior of popular adolescents and its relation to peer acceptance and rejection. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 36(8), 1289-1299. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10802-008-9251-7

Faris, R., & Ennett, S. (2012). Adolescent aggression: The role of peer group status motives, peer aggression, and group characteristics. Social Networks, 34(4), 371-378. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socnet.2010.06.003

Farmer, T. W., Estell, D. B., Bishop, J. L., O’Neal, K. K., & Cairns, B. D. (2003). Rejected bullies or popular leaders? The social relations of aggressive subtypes of rural African American early adolescents. Developmental Psychology, 39(6), 992-1004. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.39.6.992

Farrington, D. P., & Ttofi, M. (2009). School-based programs to reduce bullying and victimization: A systematic review. Campbell Systematic Reviews, 5(6), 1-148. https://doi.org/10.4073/csr.2009.6

Gini, G., & Pozzoli, T. (2009). Association between bullying and psychosomatic problems: A meta-analysis. Pediatrics, 123(3), 1059-1065. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2008-1215

Gladden, R. M., Vivolo-Kantor, A. M., Hamburger, M. E., & Lumpkin, C. D. (2014). Bullying surveillance among youths: Uniform definitions for public health and recommended data elements (Version 1.0). Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and U.S. Department of Education. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED575477.pdf

Glew, G. M., Fan, M.-Y., Katon, W., Rivara, F. P., & Kernic, M. A. (2005). Bullying, psychosocial adjustment, and academic performance in elementary school. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 159(11), 1026-1031. https://doi.org/10.1001/archpedi.159.11.1026

Hatzenbuehler, M. L., & Keyes, K. M. (2013). Inclusive anti-bullying policies and reduced risk of suicide attempts in lesbian and gay youth. Journal of Adolescent Health, 53(1), S21-S26. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2012.08.010

Institute of Medicine. (1994). Reducing risks for mental disorders: Frontiers for preventive intervention research. National Academy Press.

Jiménez-Barbero, J. A., Ruiz-Hernández, J. A., Llor-Zaragoza, L., Pérez-García, M., & Llor- Esteban, B. (2016). Effectiveness of anti-bullying school programs: A meta-analysis. Children and Youth Services Review, 61, 165-175. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2015.12.015

Juvonen, J., Nishina, A., & Graham, S. (2000). Peer harassment, psychological adjustment, and school functioning in early adolescence. Journal of Educational Psychology, 92(2), 349-359. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0663.92.2.349

Klomek, A. B., Kleinman, M., Altschuler, E., Marrocco, F., Amakawa, L., & Gould, M. S. (2011). High school bullying as a risk for later depression and suicidality. Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 41(5), 501-516. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-278X.2011.00046.x

Kochenderfer, B. J., & Ladd, G. W. (1996). Peer victimization: Cause or consequence of school maladjustment? Child Development, 67(4), 1305-1317. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.1996.tb01797.x

Kowalski, R. M., and Limber, S. P. (2013). Psychological, physical, and academic correlates of cyberbullying and traditional bullying. Journal of Adolescent Health, 53(1), S13-S20. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2012.09.018

Lereya, S. T., Copeland, W. E., Costello, E. J., & Wolke, D. (2015). Adult mental health consequences of peer bullying and maltreatment in childhood: Two cohorts in two countries. The Lancet Psychiatry, 2(6), 524-531. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2215-0366(15)00165-0

Limber, S. B. (2014). Bullying Among Children and Youth. Unpublished manuscript of a study commissioned by the Planning Committee on Increasing Capacity for Reducing Bullying and Its Impact on the Lifecourse of Youth Involved. Department of Psychology and Institute on Family and Neighborhood Life, Clemson University.

Marsh, H. W., Nagengast, B., Morin, A. J., Parada, R. H., Craven, R. G., & Hamilton, L. R. (2011). Construct validity of the multidimensional structure of bullying and victimization: An application of exploratory structural equation modeling. Journal of Educational Psychology, 103(3), 701-732. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0024122

McDougall, P., & Vaillancourt, T. (2015). Long-term adult outcomes of peer victimization in childhood and adolescence: Pathways to adjustment and maladjustment. American Psychologist, 70(4), 300. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0039174

Minton, S. J. (2014). Prejudice and effective anti-bullying intervention: Evidence from the bullying of “minorities.” Nordic Psychology, 66(2), 108-120. https://doi.org/10.1080/19012276.2014.928485

Musher-Eizenman, D. R., Boxer, P., Danner, S., Dubow, E. F., Goldstein, S. E., & Heretick, D. M. L. (2004). Social-cognitive mediators of the relation of environmental and emotion regulation factors to children’s aggression. Aggressive Behavior, 30(5), 389-408.

Nakamoto, J., & Schwartz, D. (2010). Is peer victimization associated with academic achievement? A meta-analytic review. Social Development, 19(2), 221-242.

National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. 2016. Preventing bullying through science, policy, and practice. The National Academies Press. https://doi.org/10.17226/23482

Neary, A., & Joseph, S. (1994). Peer victimization and its relationship to self-concept and depression among schoolgirls. Personality and Individual Differences, 16(1), 183-186. https://doi.org/10.1016/0191-8869(94)90122-8

Nixon, C. (2014). Current perspectives: The impact of cyberbullying on adolescent health. Adolescent Health, Medicine and Therapeutics, 143-158. https://doi.org/10.2147/AHMT.S36456

Olweus, D. (1993a). Bullying at school. What we know and what we can do. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.

Olweus, D. (1993b). Victimization by peers: Antecedents and long-term outcomes. In K. H. Rubin & J. B. Asendorpf (Eds.), Social Withdrawal, Inhibition, and Shyness in Childhood (pp. 315-341). Psychology Press.

Olweus, D. (2001). Peer harassment: A critical analysis and some important issues. In J. Juvonen & S. Graham (Eds.), Peer harassment in school: The plight of the vulnerable and victimized (pp. 3-20). Guilford Press.

Peeters, M., Cillessen, A. H., & Scholte, R. H. (2010). Clueless or powerful? Identifying subtypes of bullies in adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 39(9), 1041-1052. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-009-9478-9

Polanin, J. R., Espelage, D. L., & Pigott, T. D. (2012). A meta-analysis of school-based bullying prevention programs’ effects on bystander intervention behavior. School Psychology Review, 41(1), 47-65.

Pöyhönen, V., Juvonen, J., & Salmivalli, C. (2010). What does it take to stand up for the victim of bullying? The interplay between personal and social factors. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 56(2), 143-163.

Reijntjes, A., Kamphuis, J. H., Prinzie, P., & Telch, M. J. (2010). Peer victimization and internalizing problems in children: A meta-analysis of longitudinal studies. Child Abuse & Neglect, 34(4), 244-252. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2009.07.009

Rigby, K., & Slee, P. T. (1993). Dimensions of interpersonal relation among Australian children and implications for psychological well-being. Journal of Social Psychology, 133(1), 33-42. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224545.1993.9712116

Rigby, K., & Slee, P. (2008). Interventions to reduce bullying. International Journal of Adolescent Medicine and Health, 20(2), 165-183. https://doi.org/10.1515/IJAMH.2008.20.2.165

Rivers, I., & Noret, N. (2013). Potential suicide ideation and its association with observing bullying at school. Journal of Adolescent Health, 53(1), S32-S36. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2012.10.279

Rivers, I., Poteat, V. P., Noret, N., & Ashurst, N. (2009). Observing bullying at school: The mental health implications of witness status. School Psychology Quarterly, 24(4), 211-223. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0018164

Rodkin, P. C., Espelage, D. L., & Hanish, L. D. (2015). A relational framework for understanding bullying: Developmental antecedents and outcomes. American Psychologist, 70(4), 311-321. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0038658

Salmivalli, C. (2001). Group view on victimization: Empirical findings and their implications. In J. Juvonen & S. Graham (Eds.), Peer harassment in school (pp. 398-419). Guilford Press.

Salmivalli, C. (2010). Bullying and the peer group: A review. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 15(2), 112-120. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2009.08.007

Salmivalli, C. (2014). Participant roles in bullying: How can peer bystanders be utilized in interventions? Theory Into Practice, 53(4), 286-292. https://doi.org/10.1080/00405841.2014.947222

Sijtsema, J. J., Veenstra, R., Lindenberg, S., & Salmivalli, C. (2009). Empirical test of bullies’ status goals: Assessing direct goals, aggression, and prestige. Aggressive Behavior, 35, 57-67. https://doi.org/10.1002/ab.20282

Thunfors, P., & Cornell, D. (2008). The popularity of middle school bullies. Journal of School Violence, 7(1), 65-82. https://doi.org/10.1300/J202v07n01_05

Trach, J., Hymel, S., Waterhouse, T., & Neale, K. (2010). Bystander responses to school bullying: A cross-sectional investigation of grade and sex differences. Canadian Journal of School Psychology, 25(1), 114-130. https://doi.org/10.1177/0829573509357553

Ttofi, M. M., & Farrington, D. P. (2009). What works in preventing bullying: Effective elements of anti-bullying programmes. Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 1(1), 13-24. https://doi.org/10.1108/17596599200900003

Ttofi, M. M., & Farrington, D. P. (2011). Effectiveness of school-based programs to reduce bullying: A systematic and meta-analytic review. Journal of Experimental Criminology, 7(1), 27-56. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11292-010-9109-1

Ttofi, M. M., Farrington, D. P., Lösel, F., & Loeber, R. (2011). Do the victims of school bullies tend to become depressed later in life? A systematic review and meta-analysis of longitudinal studies. Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 3(2), 63-73. https://doi.org/10.1108/17596591111132873/full/html

Vaillancourt, T., Hymel, S., & McDougall, P. (2003). Bullying is power: Implications for school-based intervention strategies. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 19(2), 157-176. https://doi.org/10.1300/J008v19n02_10

Vaillancourt, T., McDougall, P., Hymel, S., & Sunderani, S. (2010). The relationship between power and bullying behavior. In S. R. Jimerson, S. M. Swearer, & D. L. Espelage (Eds.), Handbook of Bullying in Schools: An International Perspective (pp. 211-222). Routledge.

Vaillancourt, T., Brittain, H. L., McDougall, P., & Duku, E. (2013). Longitudinal links between childhood peer victimization, internalizing and externalizing problems, and academic functioning: Developmental cascades. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 41(8), 1203-1215. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10802-013-9781-5

Valkenburg, P. M., & Peter, J. (2011). Online communication among adolescents: An integrated model of its attraction, opportunities, and risks. Journal of Adolescent Health, 48(2), 121-127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2010.08.020

Vreeman, R. C., & Carroll, A. E. (2007). A systematic review of school-based interventions to prevent bullying. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 161(1), 78-88.

Wolke, D., & Lereya, S. T. (2015). Long-term effects of bullying. Archives of Disease in Childhood, 100(9), 879-85. https://doi.org/10.1136/archdischild-2014-306667

Wolke, D., Lereya, S. T., Fisher, H., Lewis, G., & Zammit, S. (2014). Bullying in elementary school and psychotic experiences at 18 years: A longitudinal, population-based cohort study. Psychological Medicine, 44(10, 2199-2211. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0033291713002912

Ybarra, M. L., & Mitchell, K. L. (2004). Online aggressor/targets, aggressors, and targets: A comparison of associated youth characteristics. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 45(7), 1308-1316. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7610.2004.00328.x

Authors who publish with this journal agree to the following terms:

• The Author retains copyright in the Work, where the term “Work” shall include all digital objects that may result in subsequent electronic publication or distribution.
• Upon acceptance of the Work, the author shall grant to the Publisher the right of first publication of the Work.
• Attribution—other users must attribute the Work in the manner specified by the author as indicated on the journal Web site;
• The Author is able to enter into separate, additional contractual arrangements for the nonexclusive distribution of the journal's published version of the Work (e.g., post it to an institutional repository or publish it in a book), as long as there is provided in the document an acknowledgement of its initial publication in this journal.
• Authors are permitted and encouraged to post online a prepublication manuscript (but not the Publisher’s final formatted PDF version of the Work) in institutional repositories or on their Websites prior to and during the submission process, as it can lead to productive exchanges, as well as earlier and greater citation of published work. Any such posting made before acceptance and publication of the Work shall be updated upon publication to include a reference to the Publisher-assigned DOI (Digital Object Identifier) and a link to the online abstract for the final published Work in the Journal.
• Upon Publisher’s request, the Author agrees to furnish promptly to Publisher, at the Author’s own expense, written evidence of the permissions, licenses, and consents for use of third-party material included within the Work, except as determined by Publisher to be covered by the principles of Fair Use.
• the Work is the Author’s original work;
• the Author has not transferred, and will not transfer, exclusive rights in the Work to any third party;
• the Work is not pending review or under consideration by another publisher;
• the Work has not previously been published;
• the Work contains no misrepresentation or infringement of the Work or property of other authors or third parties; and
• the Work contains no libel, invasion of privacy, or other unlawful matter.
• The Author agrees to indemnify and hold Publisher harmless from Author’s breach of the representations and warranties contained in Paragraph 6 above, as well as any claim or proceeding relating to Publisher’s use and publication of any content contained in the Work, including third-party content.

Revised 7/16/2018. Revision Description: Removed outdated link. 

Developed By

Information.

• For Readers
• For Authors
• For Librarians

Warning: The NCBI web site requires JavaScript to function. more...

An official website of the United States government

The .gov means it's official. Federal government websites often end in .gov or .mil. Before sharing sensitive information, make sure you're on a federal government site.

The site is secure. The https:// ensures that you are connecting to the official website and that any information you provide is encrypted and transmitted securely.

• Publications
• Account settings
• Browse Titles

NCBI Bookshelf. A service of the National Library of Medicine, National Institutes of Health.

Committee on the Biological and Psychosocial Effects of Peer Victimization: Lessons for Bullying Prevention; Board on Children, Youth, and Families; Committee on Law and Justice; Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education; Health and Medicine Division; National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine; Rivara F, Le Menestrel S, editors. Preventing Bullying Through Science, Policy, and Practice. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 2016 Sep 14.

Preventing Bullying Through Science, Policy, and Practice.

• Hardcopy Version at National Academies Press

4 Consequences of Bullying Behavior

Bullying behavior is a serious problem among school-age children and adolescents; it has short- and long-term effects on the individual who is bullied, the individual who bullies, the individual who is bullied and bullies others, and the bystander present during the bullying event. In this chapter, the committee presents the consequences of bullying behavior for children and youth. As referenced in Chapter 1 , bullying can be either direct or indirect, and children and youth may experience different types of bullying. Specifically the committee examines physical (including neurobiological), mental, and behavioral health consequences. The committee also examines consequences for academic performance and achievement and explores evidence for some of the mechanisms proposed for the psychological effects of bullying. When applicable, we note the limited, correlational nature of much of the available research on the consequences of bullying.

• CONSEQUENCES FOR INDIVIDUALS WHO ARE BULLIED

Mounting evidence on bullying has highlighted the detrimental effects of being bullied on children's health and behavior ( Gini and Pozzoli, 2009 ; Lereya et al., 2015 ; Reijntjes et al., 2010 ; Ttofi et al., 2011 ). In this section, the committee reviews the research on physical, psychosocial, and academic achievement consequences for those children and youth who are bullied.

Perspectives from the Field

Being bullied makes young people incredibly insecure: When you're being bullied, you can feel constantly insecure and on guard. Even if you're not actively being bullied, you're aware it could start anytime. It has a big mental and emotional impact—you feel unaccepted, isolated, angry, and withdrawn. You're always wondering how you can do better and how you can escape a bully's notice. You're also stunted because of the constant tension and because maybe you forego making certain friendships or miss out on taking certain chances that could actually help your development.

—Summary of themes from young adults focus group (See Appendix B for additional highlights from interviews.)

Physical Health Consequences

The physical health consequences of bullying can be immediate, such as physical injury, or they can involve long-term effects, such as headaches, sleep disturbances, or somatization. 1 However, the long-term physical consequences of bullying can be difficult to identify and link with past bullying behavior versus being the result of other causes such as anxiety or other adverse childhood events that can also have physical effects into adulthood ( Hager and Leadbeater, 2016 ). In one of the few longitudinal studies on the physical and mental effects of bullying, Bogart and colleagues (2014) studied 4,297 children and their parents from three urban locales: Birmingham, Alabama; 25 contiguous school districts in Los Angeles County, California; and one of the largest school districts in Houston, Texas. Bogart and her team were interested in the cumulative effects of bullying on an individual. They collected data when the cohort was in fifth grade (2004 to 2006), seventh grade (2006 to 2008), and tenth grade (2008 to 2010). Data consisted of responses to the Peer Experience Questionnaire, the Pediatric Quality of Life Inventory with its Psychosocial Subscale and Physical Health Subscale, and a Self-Perception Profile. The Physical Health Subscale measured perceptions of physical quality of life.

Bogart and colleagues (2014) found that children who were bullied experienced negative physical health compared to non-involved peers. Among seventh grade students with the worst-decile physical health, 6.4 percent were not bullied, 14.8 percent had been bullied in the past only, 23.9 percent had been bullied in the present only, and nearly a third (30.2%) had been bullied in both the past and present. These effects were not as strong when students were in tenth grade. Limitations to this study were that physical health was measured by participants' perceptions of their health-related quality of life, rather than by objectively defined physical symptoms. It is critical to understand that this study, or other studies assessing correlations between behavior and events, cannot state that the events caused the behavior. Future research might build on this large multisite longitudinal study and obtain more in-depth evidence on individuals' physical health as a consequence of bullying.

In their study of 2,232 twins reared together and separately as a part of the Environmental Risk (E-Risk) Longitudinal Twin Study, Baldwin and colleagues (2015) found that children who had experienced chronic bullying showed greater adiposity subsequently, but not at the time of victimization. The study revealed that at age 18, these children had a higher body mass index ( b = 1.11, CI [0.33, 1.88]), waist-hip ratio ( b = 0.017, CI [0.008, 0.026]), and were at a higher risk of being overweight ( OR = 1.80, CI [1.28, 2.53]) than their nonbullied counterparts ( Baldwin et al., 2015 ).

An important future direction for research is to gather more information on physical consequences such as elevated blood pressure, inflammatory markers, and obesity in light of work showing effects on these outcome of harsh language by parents and other types of early life adversity ( Danese and Tan, 2014 ; Danese et al., 2007 ; Evans et al., 2007 ; Miller and Chen, 2010 ).

Somatic Symptoms

Most of the extant evidence on the physical consequences—somatic symptoms in particular—of bullying pertains to the individual who is bullied. The emotional effects of being bullied can be expressed through somatic disturbances, which, similar to somatization, are physical symptoms that originate from stress or an emotional condition. Common stress or anxiety-related symptoms include sleep disorders, gastrointestinal concerns, headaches, palpitations, and chronic pain. The relationship between peer victimization and sleep disturbances has been well documented ( Hunter et al., 2014 ; van Geel et al., 2014 ).

For instance, Hunter and colleagues (2014) examined sleep difficulties (feeling too tired to do things, had trouble getting to sleep, and had trouble staying asleep) among a sample of 5,420 Scottish adolescents. The researchers found that youth who were bullied ( OR = 1.72, 95% CI [1.07, 2.75]) and youth who bully ( OR = 1.80, CI [1.16, 2.81]) were nearly twice as likely as youth who were not involved in bullying to experience sleep difficulties. One limitation of this study is that it was based on self-reports, which have sometimes been criticized as being subject to specific biases. Patients with insomnia may overestimate how long it takes them to fall asleep ( Harvey and Tang, 2012 ). Another limitation is that the study included young people at different stages of adolescence. Sleep patterns and sleep requirements vary across the different stages of adolescence.

A recent meta-analysis based on 21 studies involving an international sample of 363,539 children and adolescents examined the association between peer victimization and sleeping problems. A broader focus on peer victimization was used because of the definitional issues related to bullying. The authors defined peer victimization as “being the victim of relational, verbal or physical aggression by peers” ( van Geel et al., 2015 , p. 89). Children and youth who were victimized reported more sleeping problems than children who did not report victimization ( OR = 2.21, 95% CI [2.01, 2.44]). Moreover, the relationship between peer victimization and sleeping problems was stronger for younger children than it was for older children ( van Geel et al., 2015 ). This study was based on cross-sectional studies that varied widely in how peer victimization and sleeping problems were operationalized and thus cannot make any claims about causal relations between peer victimization and sleeping problems.

Knack and colleagues (2011a) posited that bullying results in meaningful biological alterations that may result in changes in one's sensitivity to pain responses. A recent meta-analysis by Gini and Pozzoli (2013) concluded that children and adolescents who are bullied were at least twice as likely to have psychosomatic disturbances (headache, stomachache, dizziness, bedwetting, etc.) than nonbullied children and adolescents ( OR = 2.39, 95% CI [1.76, 3.24] for longitudinal studies; OR = 2.17, 95% CI [1.91, 2.46] for cross-sectional studies). Although the use of self-report measures are very common in bullying research and are usually considered to be valid and reliable (Ladd and Kochenderfer- Ladd, 2002 ), their use requires adequate self-awareness on the part of the respondent, and some children who are bullied may be in denial about their experience of having been bullied.

There is also evidence of gender differences in the physical effects of being bullied. For example, Kowalski and Limber (2013) examined the relation between experiences with cyberbullying or traditional bullying (i.e., bullying that does not involve digital electronic means of communication) and psychological and physical health, as well as academic performance, of 931 students in grades 6 through 12 living in rural Pennsylvania. Students were asked how often in the past 4 weeks they experienced 10 physical health symptoms, with scores across these 10 symptoms averaged to provide an overall health index (higher scores equal more health problems). Traditional bullying was defined as “aggressive acts that are meant to hurt another person, that happen repeatedly, and that involve an imbalance of power” ( Kowalski and Limber, 2013 , p. S15). The authors found that girls who were traditionally bullied reported more anxiety and overall health problems than boys who were bullied (females: M = 1.65, SD = 0.41; males: M = 1.42, SD = 0.38). A limitation of this study is that it is correlational in nature and the authors cannot conclude that being a victim of traditional bullying caused the psychological or physical problems.

In summary, it is clear that children and youth who have been bullied also experience a range of somatic disturbances. There are also gender differences in the physical health consequences of being bullied.

Neuroendocrinology of Stress

Psychological and physical stressors, such as being the target of bullying, activate the stress system centered on the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis ( Dallman et al., 2003 ; McEwen and McEwen, 2015 ). The role of HPA and other hormones is to promote adaptation and survival, but chronically elevated hormones can also cause problems. Stress has ubiquitous effects on physiology and the brain, alters levels of many hormones and other biomarkers, and ultimately affects behavior. Therefore, both a general understanding of stress during early adolescence and, where known, specific links between stress and bullying can provide insight into the enduring effects of bullying.

The levels of the stress hormone cortisol have been shown to change in targets of repeated bullying, with being bullied associated with a blunted cortisol response ( Booth et al., 2008 ; Kliewer, 2006 ; Knack et al., 2011b ; Ouellet-Morin et al., 2011 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2008 ). To the committee's knowledge, no study has examined bidirectional changes in cortisol, although there is evidence to suggest that cortisol is typically elevated immediately following many types of stress and trauma but blunted after prolonged stress ( Judd et al., 2014 ; Miller et al., 2007 ). Kliewer (2006) did find that cortisol increased from pre-task to post-task (i.e., watching a video clip from the film Boyz 'n the Hood followed by a discussion) among youth who had been bullied, and in a more recent study, Kliewer and colleagues (2012) reported, among African American urban adolescents, that peer victimization was associated with greater sympathetic nervous system (fight or flight reaction) reactivity to a stress task (measured using salivary a-amylase, an enzyme that increases in saliva when the sympathetic nervous system is activated). However, in these studies, the immediate effect of being bullied on stress reactivity was not examined. In contrast, Ouellet-Morin and colleagues (2011) and Knack and colleagues (2011b) did not find an increase in cortisol in bullied youth following a psychosocial stress test but rather found a blunted pattern of response after the test had concluded (see Figures 4-1 and 4-2 ). In order to test whether, in the short-term, bullying produces an increase in cortisol, whereas in the long-term it is associated with a blunted cortisol response (as seen with other types of psychosocial stressors; Judd et al., 2014 ; Miller et al., 2007 ), a longitudinal study is needed to examine bullying chronicity and regulation of the HPA axis. The importance of this future work notwithstanding, there is evidence to support a finding that when stress becomes prolonged, the stress hormone system becomes hypofunctional and a blunted stress response results ( McEwen, 2014 ).

Cortisol reactivity for victimized and nonvictimized adolescents during the Trier Social Stress Test. SOURCE: Adapted from Knack et al. (2011b, Fig. 3, p. 5).

Cortisol responses to a psychosocial stress test (PST) in the total sample and according to maltreatment/bullying victimization. SOURCE: Adapted from Ovellet-Morin et al. (2011, Fig. 1, p. 14).

When stress becomes prolonged, the stress hormone system becomes hypofunctional and a blunted stress response results ( Knack et al., 2012a ; McEwen, 2014 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2013a ). That is, the elevation in cortisol in response to stress fails to occur. Scientists are not exactly sure how this happens, but evidence suggests that the stress system has shut itself down through “negative feedback.” Although on the surface this may seem to be beneficial, it is not. Cortisol has many functions and serves to regulate myriad biological systems; a blunted stress response compromises the orchestration of cortisol's biological functions. The critical importance of the massive over-activation of the stress system producing a blunted stress response is clinically relevant since it is associated with posttraumatic stress disorder and other psychiatric disorders ( Heim et al., 1997 ). It is also relevant for understanding an individual's inability to self-regulate and cope with stress.

Prolonged stress also disrupts the circadian or daily rhythm of cortisol, which is normally elevated in the morning and slowly decreases over the day to result in low levels at bedtime ( Barra et al., 2015 ). An altered circadian rhythm results not only in difficulty awaking in the morning but also in difficulty falling asleep at night. It can cause profound disruption in sleep patterns that can initiate myriad additional problems; sleep deficits are associated with problems with emotional regulation, learning, mood disorders, and a heightened social threat detection and response system ( McEwen and Karatsoreos, 2015 ). Recent research suggests that the consolidation of memories 2 one learns each day continues during sleep ( Barnes and Wilson, 2014 ; Shen et al., 1998 ). Sleep disturbances disrupt memory consolidation, and studies in animals suggest stress during learning engages unique neurochemical and molecular events that cause memory to be encoded by some unique mechanism ( Baratta et al., 2015 ; Belujon and Grace, 2015 ; McGaugh, 2015 ; Rau and Fanselow, 2009 ). Although victims of bullying have sleep problems ( Miller-Graff et al., 2015 ), causal relations between bullying, sleep disorders, learning/memory consolidation, and cortisol dysregulation have not been established. Indeed, these correlations between being a target of bullying and physiological problems may highlight important interactions between events and outcome, but it is also likely that unidentified variables might be the critical causal factors.

It is also noteworthy that the HPA axis showed heightened responsiveness during the peak ages of bullying ( Blakemore, 2012 ; Dahl and Gunnar, 2009 ; Romeo, 2010 ; Spear, 2010 ). For example, cortisol response characteristics in children are such that, when cortisol is activated, the hormonal response is protracted and takes almost twice as much time to leave the blood and brain compared to adults ( Romeo, 2010 , 2015 ). The circadian rhythm of cortisol also seems altered during early adolescence, most notably associated with morning cortisol levels, with levels increasing with age and pubertal development ( Barra et al., 2015 ). Animal models suggest that the extended cortisol response begins in pre-puberty and indicate that recovery from stressful events is more challenging during this age range ( Romeo, 2015 ).

Emotional regulation, including a person's ability to recover from a traumatic or stressful event, involves being able to regulate or normalize stress hormone levels. Before adolescence, children's ability to regulate their stress response can be greatly assisted by parents or other significant caregivers—a process referred to as “social buffering” ( Hostinar et al., 2014 ; Ouellet-Morin et al., 2011 , 2013 ). Specifically, it is well documented in the human and animal research literature that a sensitive caregiver or a strong support system can greatly dampen the stress system's response and actually reduce the amount of stress hormone released, as well as shorten the amount of time the stress hormones circulate within the body and brain. This results in dramatic decreases in stress-related behavior ( Gee et al., 2014 ; Hostinar et al., 2014 ). The social cues actually reduce stress by reducing the activation of the stress system, or HPA axis, at the level of the hypothalamus ( Hennessy et al., 2009 , 2015 ; Moriceau and Sullivan, 2006 ). The social stimuli that buffer children as they transition into adolescence appear to begin to have greater reliance on peers rather than on the caregiver ( Hostinar et al., 2015 ).

Other physiological effects of stress include the activation of the immune system by bullying-induced stress ( Copeland et al., 2014 ; McCormick and Mathews, 2007 ), and a cardiovascular blunting among individuals with a history of being bullied ( Newman, 2014 ). Other hormones and physiological mechanisms are also involved in the stress activation response. For example, cortisol is associated with an increase in testosterone, the male sex hormone associated with aggression in nonhuman animals and with dominance and social challenge in humans, particularly among boys and men ( Archer, 2004 ). In fact, in rodents the combined assessment of testosterone and cortisol provides more predictive value of behavioral variability ( McCormick and Mathews, 2007 ) compared to controls ( Márquez et al., 2013 ). In humans, there is increasing evidence supporting an interaction between testosterone and cortisol in the prediction of social aggression (see Montoya et al., 2012 ). In a study of 12-year-olds, Vaillancourt and colleagues (2009) found that testosterone levels were higher among bullied boys than nonbullied boys, but lower among bullied girls than nonbullied girls. The authors speculated that the androgen dynamics were possibly adrenocortical in origin, highlighting the need to examine testosterone and cortisol in consort. To date, researchers have only investigated cortisol response to being bullied ( Kliewer, 2006 ; Knack et al., 2011b ; Ouellet-Morin et al., 2011 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2008 ), and only one study has examined testosterone and peer victimization ( Vaillancourt et al., 2009 ). There are no studies examining these two important hormones together in relation to bullying perpetration or to being bullied.

Together, the research on both humans and animals suggests that stress is beneficial when it is experienced at low-to-moderate levels, whereas prolonged or repeated stress becomes toxic by engaging a unique neural and molecular cascade within the brain that is thought to initiate a different developmental pathway. Indeed, from animal models, brain architecture is altered by chronic stress, with amygdala activity being enhanced, hippocampal function impaired, and medial prefrontal cortex function being reduced, leading to increased anxiety and aggression and decreased capacity for self-regulation, as well as a more labile mood ( Chattarji et al., 2015 ; McEwen and Morrison, 2013 ; McEwen et al., 2015 ). This stress effect on the brain is particularly strong when experienced during adolescence, but it is even more pronounced if combined with early life adversity ( Gee et al., 2014 ; Hanson et al., 2015 ; Richter-Levin et al., 2015 ; Romeo, 2015 ; Sandi and Haller 2015 ). This could produce behavioral responses that become maladaptive by compromising emotional and cognitive functioning or perhaps it could produce adaptive behavior for a dangerous environment that results in socially inappropriate behavior.

Consequences of Bullying on Brain Function

Being a child or youth who is bullied changes behavior, and neuroscience research suggests this experience may also change the brain ( Bradshaw et al., 2012 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2013a ). The major technique used to monitor brain function in humans is functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), which works by monitoring blood flow to indirectly assess the functioning of thousands of brain cells over an area of the brain. This technique has rarely been used on either the perpetrator or target of a bullying incident during this very particular social interaction, and for that reason little is known about whether or not the brain of a child who bullies or of a child who has been bullied is different before these experiences or is changed by them. These very specific studies are required before one can make definitive statements about the brain for this topic or for how this information might help develop novel interventions or prevention.

Additionally, it is important to consider two limitations for understanding fMRI. First, one cannot scan the brain of a child during the action of bullying or being a target of bullying. Instead, one must rely on the child staying perfectly still as the investigator tries to approximate one or two aspects of the complex experience that occur in this complicated behavioral interaction. For example, the fMRI task used during a brain imaging session might mimic social exclusion as one facet of bullying, without the full social and emotional context of the real bullying process. Although this is an important methodology, these results need to be assessed with caution at this time and not directly applied as an accepted scientific interpretation of bullying. Therefore, the examples used below to assess brain function rely not on monitoring actual instances of bullying behavior but on monitoring components of behaviors that are thought to occur during a bullying incident.

Second, fMRI monitors a large brain area, which is composed of many smaller brain areas, each of which is involved in many, many behaviors, many of which are not yet fully understood. Thus, it is difficult to determine why the brain area one is examining changed, since that brain area is involved in hundreds of diverse behaviors. For this reason, the results reviewed below need to be viewed as preliminary and should not be misinterpreted as explaining any aspect of the experience of bullying. Rather, these preliminary results highlight the importance of brain assessment before and after bullying experiences, including developing monitorable tasks that more closely approximate the bullying experience within the physical constraints of an immobile subject during an fMRI brain scan. The value of neuroscience is that it enables exploration of brain mechanisms controlling behavior that are not obvious from behavioral assessment.

Social Pain

Whereas there are no studies directly examining bullying using neural imaging techniques, there are several studies examining how the brain processes social pain. Social pain describes the “feelings of pain that follow the experiences of peer rejection, ostracism, or loss” ( Vaillancourt et al., 2013a , p. 242). Social pain is consistent with how people describe their feeling about being bullied. For example, one victim of bullying described the emotional toll of his experience by saying, “I feel like, emotionally, they [his bullies] have been beating me with a stick for 42 years” ( Vaillancourt et al., 2013a , p. 242).

Researchers have demonstrated that when people experience social pain, they activate regions in their brain similar to those activated when they experience physical pain ( Eisenberger, 2012 ; Eisenberger and Lieberman, 2004 ; Eisenberger et al., 2003 ; Kross et al., 2011 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2010a ). Specifically, the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex, which is part of the prefrontal cortex, seems to be implicated in the processing of both physical and social pain. The fact that physical and social pain have overlapping neural systems might explain why people tend to use physical pain metaphors (e.g., “It broke my heart when she called me ugly.”) when describing their experiences with being humiliated, oppressed, or rejected ( Eisenberger, 2012 ). Eisenberger and Leiberman (2004) noted that these fMRI results are correlations between pain and the anterior cingulate cortex and could reflect other functions of that brain region, such as detecting conflict or errors, different ideas or goals about the task, or individual differences in the task difficulty. In a recent fMRI study by Rudolph and colleagues (2016) , adolescent girls were socially excluded during a laboratory task (i.e., cyberball; Williams et al., 2000 ). Results indicated that activation of the social pain network—the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex, subgenual anterior cingulate cortex, and anterior insula—was associated with internalizing symptoms. Of note, this effect was particularly pronounced among adolescent girls with a history of peer victimization. 3

In addition to studies on social pain, there are some studies examining how the brains of children who had been bullied reacted subsequently to different stimuli. Experiences of being bullied can alter an individual's view of the world. While no brain imaging study has directly addressed this issue, a longitudinal study investigating the risk factors of depression found that being a child who was bullied at ages 11 and 12 was associated with a decreased response to reward in the medial prefrontal cortex at age 16, although it was unclear if these brain differences were present before the bullying experiences or developed after them ( Casement et al., 2014 ). The medial prefrontal cortex, which is a brain area involved in memory and learning, was found to be disrupted in children who have been bullied ( Vaillancourt et al., 2011 ). Because it also has countless other functions including decision making, risk taking, and conflict monitoring, disruption of this region compromises one's ability to interpret results with respect to bullying ( Euston et al., 2012 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2011 ).

In another fMRI study involving children, 10-12 years old, who were presented with a task that examined their response to negative feedback stimuli of emotional faces, greater and more extensive brain activation was found in the amygdala, orbitofrontal cortex, and ventrolateral prefrontal cortex of children who had been rejected by their peers, compared with children in a control group who had not been rejected by peers ( Lee et al., 2014 ), a condition that is highly correlated with being bullied by peers ( r = .57; Knack et al., 2012a ). The prefrontal cortex is a very large brain area with many subareas, all of which serve diverse functions in many different behaviors, not just executive function. Indeed, the prefrontal cortex processes pain, self-regulation, stress integration, and safety signals and has been implicated in psychiatric disorders, higher order learning, extinction (active process to suppress a memory), personality, social behavior, planning, decision making, and many other behaviors and percepts including social exclusion, social/physical pain, and empathy ( Casey and Jones, 2010 ; Spear, 2013 ). These few studies are consistent with other imaging studies demonstrating functional brain differences among individuals who were maltreated in childhood ( Lim et al., 2014 , 2015 ). Taken together, this work supports a finding that being exposed to such adversity during maturation has enduring effects on brain function, although additional research is needed to establish the parameters controlling these effects (and qualifying the generalization).

There is also evidence that stressful events, such as might occur with bullying experiences, impact emotional brain circuits, an inference that is supported by changes in amygdala architecture and function described earlier in animal models in adulthood but more robust changes in brain structure are produced by stress during early life and around adolescence ( Chattarji et al., 2015 ; McEwen and Morrison, 2013 ; McEwen et al., 2015 ). This point is critical because the stress system of adolescents seems to have a heightened sensitivity, and experiencing bullying can increase stress hormones ( Romeo, 2010 , 2015 ; Spear, 2013 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2011 ). Human brain scanning experiments suggest the prefrontal cortex is affected by stress through attenuating the connectivity to the hippocampus and amygdala, which are brain areas critical for emotional regulation and emotional memories ( Ganzel et al., 2008 ; Liston et al., 2009 ). Animal research shows that this connectivity loss is caused by stress-induced atrophy of the prefrontal cortex ( Radley et al., 2006 ), although this brain region does show the ability to recover once the stress has terminated ( Liston et al., 2009 ). One aspect of being a target of bullying is that the memory of the experience seems to be enduring; the unique function of the prefrontal cortex and emotional circuits during preadolescence and adolescence may provide insight into the enduring memories of being bullied. Specifically, one function of the prefrontal cortex is to help suppress memories that are no longer important or true. Typically, memories are not simply forgotten or unlearned. Rather, as we update information in our brain, the old memory is suppressed by overlaying a new memory to attenuate the old memory, an active brain process called extinction ( Milaid and Quirk, 2012 ). With respect to memories of trauma, of being bullied, or of experiencing a threat, the prefrontal cortex is important for attenuating (extinguishing) memories in emotional brain areas, such as the amygdala. Importantly, dramatic changes occur in the extinction system during adolescence, where fear extinction learning is attenuated relative to children and adults ( Pattwell et al., 2012 , 2013 ). This learning mode has been modeled in animals to understand how the process occurs in the adolescent brain ( Kim and Richardson, 2010 ; Nair and Gonzalez-Lima, 1999 ; Pattwell et al., 2012 ). The research suggests that around the time of adolescence, it is more difficult to decrease emotionally aversive memories, such as experiences of being bullied, than at other times in the life cycle. Furthermore, anxious teens (anxiety is sometimes comorbid with experience of being bullied) show even greater difficulties with processing extinction of fear memory ( Jovanovic et al., 2013 ).

In conclusion, the available evidence indicates that the brain functioning of individuals who are bullied is altered (see reviews by Bradshaw et al., 2012 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2013a ). However, it is difficult to ascertain fully what it means when fMRI scans detect an alteration in brain activity. In terms of understanding the prolonged and repeated stress associated with bullying, this research suggests that greater experience with being bullied and repeated exposure as a target of bullying produces a neural signature in the brain that could underlie some of the behavioral outcomes associated with being bullied.

Psychosocial Consequences

In this section, the committee examines what is known about the psychosocial consequences of being bullied. A common method of examining mental health issues separates internalizing and externalizing problems ( Sigurdson et al., 2015 ). Internalizing symptoms include problems directed within the individual, such as depression, anxiety, fear, and withdrawal from social contacts. Externalizing symptoms reflect behavior that is typically directed outwards toward others, such as anger, aggression, and conduct problems, including a tendency to engage in risky and impulsive behavior, as well as criminal behavior. Externalizing problems also include the use and abuse of substances.

Psychological problems are common after being bullied (see review by Hawker and Boulton, 2000 ) and include internalizing problems, such as depression, anxiety, and, especially for girls, self-harming behavior ( Kidger et al., 2015 ; Klomek et al., 2009 , 2015 ). There can also be subsequent externalizing problems, especially for boys (see review by McDougall and Vaillancourt, 2015 ). Rueger and colleagues (2011) found consistent concurrent association with timing of peer victimization and maladjustment. Both psychological and academic outcomes were particularly strong for students who experienced sustained victimization over the school year.

“And these are the kids that are at risk for anxiety and depression and bipolar disorder to begin with, and it almost seems like it's a cycle that makes it worse. So they are isolated and they are angry, they are fearful. Many of them end up severely depressed, attempting suicide, utilizing NSSIs [nonsuicidal self-injuries] for comfort. Some turn to gangs because that is the group that would accept them. So that's when we get involved and we have to start working backwards.”

—Quote from community-based provider discussing bullying during focus group (See Appendix B for additional highlights from interviews.)

Internalizing Problems

A robust literature documents that youth who are bullied often have low self-esteem and feel depressed, anxious, and lonely ( Juvonen and Graham, 2014 ). Data from developmental psychopathology research indicate that stressful life events can lead to the onset and maintenance of depression, anxiety, and other psychiatric symptoms and that for many youth, being bullied is a major life stressor ( Swearer and Hymel, 2015 ). Based on sociometric nominations, targets of bullying also are disliked by the general peer group ( Knack et al., 2012b ).

Several meta-analyses have specifically explored the relation between depression and being bullied at school ( Ttofi et al., 2011 ) and victimized by peers 4 ( Hawker and Boulton, 2000 ; Reijntjes et al., 2010 ). Individuals who had been cyberbullied reported higher levels of depression and suicidal ideation, as well as increased emotional distress, externalized hostility, and delinquency, compared with peers who were not bullied ( Patchin, 2006 ; Ybarra et al., 2006 ). Furthermore, severity of depression in youth who have been cyberbullied has been shown to correlate with the degree and severity of cyberbullying ( Didden et al., 2009 ).

Two meta-analyses found that across several different longitudinal studies using different study populations, internalizing emotional problems increases both the risk and the harmful consequences of being bullied ( Cook et al., 2010 ; Reijntjes et al., 2010 ). Internalizing problems can thus function as both antecedents and consequences of bullying ( Reijntjes et al., 2010 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2013b ). Although most longitudinal studies suggest that psychological problems result from being bullied (see review by McDougall and Vaillancourt, 2015 ) and meta-analyses ( Reijntjes et al., 2010 ; Ttofi et al., 2011 ) support this directionality, there is some evidence that for some youth, the temporal pattern begins with mental health problems ( Kochel et al., 2012 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2013b ).

In a large cohort of Canadian children followed every year from grade 5 to grade 8, Vaillancourt and colleagues (2013b) found that internalizing problems in grades 5 and 7 predicted increased self-reported bullying behavior the following year. They noted that these findings provide evidence for the “symptom-driven pathway” across time with increased internalizing problems predicting greater self-reported peer victimization. This “symptom-drive pathway” was noted from grade 5 to grade 6 and again from grade 7 to grade 8 and was consistent with other published work. For instance, Kochel et al. (2012) reported a symptom-driven pathway in which depressive symptoms predicted peer victimization 5 1 year later (grade 4 to grade 5 and grade 5 to grade 6) and argued that this pathway may result from depressed youth displaying “social deficits,” selecting “maladaptive relationships,” and/or displaying a behavioral style that is perceived poorly by the peer group ( Kochel et al., 2012 , p. 638). Vaillancourt and colleagues (2013b) have also argued that depressed youth could be more “treat sensitive.” That is, these youth may select information from their environment that is consistent with their negative self-opinion. The idea that certain individuals may be more sensitive to environmental cues or make more hostile interpretation of ambiguous social data has been well documented in the literature ( Crick and Dodge, 1994 ; Dodge, 1986 ). This work is consistent with studies showing that social information processing differs in children based on their experience with being bullied and that hypersensitivity can impact their interpretation of social behavior and their self-reports of subsequent incidents of being bullied ( Camodeca et al., 2003 ; Smalley and Banerjee, 2013 ).

Most longitudinal studies to date are of relatively short duration (i.e., less than 2 years) and focus on a narrow developmental period such as childhood or adolescence ( McDougall and Vaillancourt, 2015 ). Nevertheless, there are several recently published studies examining the long-term adult outcomes of childhood bullying. These studies indicate that being bullied does affect future mental health functioning, as reviewed in the following paragraphs.

Most long-term studies of childhood bullying have focused on links to internalizing problems in adulthood, demonstrating robust long-standing effects ( Gibb et al., 2011 ; Olweus, 1993b ; Sourander et al., 2007 ; Stapinski et al., 2014 ). For example, Bowes and colleagues (2015) examined depression in a large sample of participants who reported being the target of bullying at age 13 and found higher rates of depression at age 18 compared to peers who had not been bullied. Specifically, they reported that 14.8 percent of participants who reported being frequently bullied in childhood at age 13 were clinically depressed at age 18 ( OR = 2.96, 95% CI [2.21, 3.97]) and that the population attributable fraction was 29.2 percent, suggesting that close to a third of the variance in depression could be explained by being bullied in childhood ( Bowes et al., 2015 ).

In another longitudinal study using two large population-based cohorts from the United Kingdom (the ALSPAC Cohort) and the United States (the GSMS Cohort), Lereya and colleagues (2015) reported that the effects of childhood bullying on adult mental health were stronger in magnitude than the effects of being maltreated by a caregiver in childhood. Being bullied only (and not maltreated) placed individuals at higher risk for mental health difficulties than being maltreated only (and not bullied) ( OR = 1.6, 95% CI [1.1, 2.2] for ALSPAC cohort; OR = 3.8, 95% CI [1.8, 7.9] for GSMS cohort). Children who were bullied were more likely than maltreated children to be anxious ( OR = 4.9, 95% CI [2.0, 12.0] for GSMS cohort), depressed ( OR = 1.7, 95% CI [1.1, 2.7] for ALSPAC cohort), and to engage in self-harming behavior ( OR = 1.7, 95% CI [1.1-2.6] for ALSPAC cohort) in adulthood ( Lereya et al., 2015 ).

Similarly, Stapinski and colleagues (2014) found that adolescents who experienced frequent peer victimization 6 were two to three times more likely to develop an anxiety disorder 5 years later at age 18 than nonvictimized adolescents ( OR = 2.49, 95% CI [1.62, 3.85]). The association remained after adjusting for potentially confounding individual and family factors and was not attributable to diagnostic overlap with depression. Frequently victimized adolescents were also more likely to develop multiple internalizing problems in adulthood ( Stapinski et al., 2014 ). After controlling for childhood psychiatric problems or family hardship, Copeland and colleagues (2013) found that individuals who were bullied continued to have higher prevalence of generalized anxiety ( OR = 2.7, 95% CI [1.1, 6.3]).

These findings suggest that being bullied and internalizing problems such as depression are mutually reinforcing, with the experience of one increasing the risk of the other in a harmful cycle that contributes to the high stability of being both bullied and experiencing other internalizing problems. These studies also suggest that the long-term consequences of being bullied, which extend into adulthood, can be more severe than being maltreated as a child by a caregiver.

Externalizing Problems

Alcohol and drug abuse and dependence have been associated with being bullied as a child ( Radliff et al., 2012 ). A longitudinal study of adolescents found that those who reported being bullied were more likely to report use of alcohol, cigarettes, and inhalants 12 months later ( Tharp-Taylor et al., 2009 ), compared to those who did not report being bullied. More longitudinal research that tracks children through adulthood is needed to fully understand the link between being bullied and substance abuse (see review by McDougall and Vaillancourt, 2015 ).

Several studies show links between being bullied and violence or crime, especially for men ( Gibb et al., 2011 ; McGee et al., 2011 ; Sourander et al., 2007 , 2011 ). A meta-analysis by Reijntjes and colleagues (2011) that included studies with data on 5,825 participants showed that after controlling for externalizing symptoms at baseline, peer victimization—under which they included being the target of teasing, deliberate exclusion, and being the target of physical threats and malicious gossip—was associated over time with exhibiting externalizing problems such as aggression, truancy, and delinquency ( r = .14, 95% CI [.09, .19]). This research team also found that externalizing problems predicted changes in peer victimization over time ( r = .13, 95% CI [.04, .21]) and concluded that there is a bidirectional relationship between peer victimization and externalizing problems.

Psychotic Symptoms

Evidence from the broader research on childhood trauma and stress indicates that earlier adverse life experiences, such as child abuse, are associated with the development of psychotic symptoms later in life ( Institute of Medicine and National Research Council, 2014b ). Until recently, the association between bullying and psychotic symptoms has been understudied ( van Dam et al., 2012 ). Two recent meta-analyses support the association between bullying and the development of psychotic symptoms later in life ( Cunningham et al., 2015 ; van Dam et al., 2012 ). van Dam and colleagues (2012) conducted a meta-analysis of 14 studies to assess whether being bullied in childhood is related to the development of psychotic (either clinical or nonclinical) symptoms. (Nonclinical psychotic symptoms 7 place individuals at risk for the development of psychotic disorders ( Cougnard et al., 2007 ).) Results from the analyses of studies that examined the association between bullying and nonclinical symptoms (six studies) were more definitive (adjusted OR = 2.3; 95% CI [1.5, 3.4]), with stronger associations when there was an increased frequency, severity, and persistence of bullying ( Cougnard et al., 2007 ). Although some research has found this association, a recent longitudinal study from New Zealand found that the link between bullying and the development of psychosis later in life is likely not causal but instead reflects the fact that individuals who display disordered behaviors across childhood and adolescences are more likely to become bullying targets ( Boden et al., 2016 ) An analysis of studies that examined the association between bullying and psychosis in clinical samples was inconclusive ( van Dam et al., 2012 ).

A recent meta-analysis conducted by Cunningham and colleagues (2015) examined ten European prospective studies, four from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children. This analysis found that individuals who were bullied were more than twice as likely to develop later psychotic symptoms, compared to those who were not bullied ( OR = 2.1, 95% CI [1.1, 4.0]). These results were consistent in all but one of the studies included in the meta-analysis. More longitudinal research is needed to more fully understand the mechanisms through which trauma such as bullying may lead to the development of psychotic symptoms ( Cunningham et al., 2015 ; van Dam et al., 2012 ). Importantly, this research will need to be prospective and examine the development of bullying and psychotic symptoms in order to truly identify the temporal priority. The inclusion criteria for the Cunningham and colleagues (2015) meta-analysis included that the study had to be prospective and had to include a measure of psychosis and that bullying needed to be reported before the age of 18. Although the authors stated that “bullying appears to cause later development of psychosis,” such a conclusion requires that mental health functioning be assessed early and over time, as it is possible that premorbid characteristics may make individuals targets for poor peer treatment (see Kochel et al., 2012 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2013b , regarding depression leading to peer victimization).

Academic Performance Consequences

A growing literature has documented that targets of bullying suffer diminished academic achievement whether measured by grades or standardized test scores ( Espelage et al., 2013 ; Nakamoto and Schwartz, 2010 ). Cross-sectional research indicates that children who are bullied are at increased risk for poor academic achievement ( Beran, 2009 ; Beran and Lupart, 2009 ; Beran et al., 2008 ; Glew et al., 2005 ; Neary and Joseph, 1994 ; see also meta-analysis by Nakamoto and Schwartz, 2010 ) and increased absenteeism ( Juvonen et al., 2000 ; Kochenderfer and Ladd, 1996 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2013b ).

The negative relation between being bullied and academic achievement is evident as early as kindergarten ( Kochenderfer and Ladd, 1996 ) and continues into high school ( Espinoza et al., 2013 ; Glew et al., 2008 ). In a 2-week daily diary study with ninth and tenth grade Latino students, Espinoza and colleagues (2013) reported that on days when adolescents' reports of being bullied were greater than what was typical for them, they also reported more academic challenges such as doing poorly on a quiz, test, or homework and felt like less of a good student. Thus, even episodic encounters of being bullied can interfere with a student's ability to concentrate on any given day. In a cross-sectional study of more than 5,000 students in grades 7, 9, and 11, Glew and colleagues (2008) found that for every 1-point increase in grade point average (GPA), the odds of being a child who was bullied (versus a bystander) decreased by 10 percent. However, due to the cross-sectional nature of this study, this association does not establish whether lower academic achievement among children who were bullied was a consequence of having been bullied.

Several short-term (one academic year) longitudinal studies indicate that being bullied predicts academic problems rather than academic problems predicting being a target of bullying ( Kochenderfer and Ladd, 1996 ; Schwartz et al., 2005 ). Given the impairments in brain architecture associated with self-regulation and memory in animal models and the currently limited imaging data in human subjects, this is a reasonable inference, although reverse causation is possible. For instance, early life abuse and neglect impair these same abilities, lower self-esteem, and may make an individual more likely to be a target of bullying. In one of the few longitudinal studies to extend beyond one year, Juvonen and colleagues (2011) examined the relation between victimization 8 and academic achievement across the three years of middle school. Academic adjustment was measured by both year-end grades and teacher reports of engagement. These authors found that more self-reported victimization was related to lower school achievement from sixth to eighth grade. For every 1-unit increase in victimization (on a 1-4 scale), GPA declined by 0.3 points.

Other short-term longitudinal studies found similar results. For example, Nansel and colleagues (2003) found that being bullied in a given year (grade 6 or 7) predicted poor academic outcomes the following year, after controlling for prior school adjustment and if they were previously targets of bullying or not. Similarly, Schwartz and colleagues (2005) reported a negative association for third and fourth grade children between victimization 9 and achievement 1 year later. In addition, Baly and colleagues (2014) found that the cumulative impact of being bullied over 3 years from sixth grade to eighth grade had a negative impact on GPA and standardized test scores.

However, other studies have not found such associations. For instance, Kochenderfer and Ladd (1996) found no relation between being bullied and subsequent academic achievement in their study of students assessed in the fall and spring of kindergarten, nor did Rueger and Jenkins (2014) in their study of seventh and eighth graders assessed in the fall and spring of one academic year. Feldman and colleagues (2014) also reported no association between being a target of bullying and academic achievement in their 5-year longitudinal study of youth ages 11-14. Poor academic performance can also be a predictor of peer victimization ( Vaillancourt et al., 2013b ). The authors found that poor writing performance in third grade predicted increased bullying behavior in fifth grade that was stable until the end of eighth grade.

The longitudinal associations between peer victimization and school attendance are also equivocal, with some showing positive associations ( Baly et al., 2014 ; Buhs et al., 2006 ; Gastic, 2008 ; Kochenderfer and Ladd, 1996 ; Smith et al., 2004 ) and others not finding a statistically significant association ( Forero et al., 1999 ; Glew et al., 2008 ; Rueger et al., 2011 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2013b ). 10

In summary, there have been a number of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies that have provided support for a relation between being bullied and increased risk for poor academic achievement. However, given the inconsistent results found with longitudinal studies, more research is warranted in this area to more fully ascertain the relation between being bullied and academic achievement over time.

• CONSEQUENCES FOR INDIVIDUALS WHO BULLY

There is evidence that supports a finding that individuals who bully others have contradictory attributes ( Institute of Medicine and National Research Council, 2014a ; Vaillancourt et al., 2010b ). Research suggests that there are children and adolescents who bully others because they have some form of maladjustment ( Olweus, 1993a ) or, as mentioned in Chapter 3 , are motivated by establishing their status in a social network ( Faris and Ennett, 2012 ; Rodkin et al., 2015 ; Sijtsema et al., 2009 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2003 ). Consequently, the relation between bullying, being bullied, acceptance, and rejection is complex ( Veenstra et al., 2010 ). This complexity is also linked to a stereotype held by the general public about individuals who bully. This stereotype casts children and youth who bully others as being high on psychopathology, low on social skills, and possessing few assets and competencies that the peer group values ( Vaillancourt et al., 2010b ). Although some occurrence of this “stereotypical bully” or “classic bully” is supported by research ( Kumpulainen et al., 2001 ; Olweus, 1993a ; Sourander et al., 2007 ), when researchers consider social status in relation to perpetration of bullying behavior, a different profile emerges. These studies suggest that most children and youth who bully others wield considerable power within their peer network and that high-status perpetrators tend to be perceived by peers as being popular, socially skilled, and leaders ( de Bruyn et al., 2010 ; Dijkstra et al., 2008 ; Peeters et al., 2010 ; Thunfors and Cornell, 2008 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2003 ). High-status bullies have also been found to rank high on assets and competencies that the peer group values such as being attractive or being good athletes ( Farmer et al., 2003 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2003 ); they have also been found to rank low on psychopathology and to use aggression instrumentally to achieve and maintain hegemony (for reviews, see Rodkin et al., 2015 , and Vaillancourt et al., 2010b ). Considering these findings of contrasting characteristics of perpetrators of bullying behavior, it makes sense that the research on outcomes of perpetrating is mixed. Unfortunately, most research on the short- and long-term outcomes of perpetrating bullying behavior has not taken into account this heterogeneity when considering the impact to children and youth who have bullied their peers.

Psychosomatic Consequences

Findings from cross-sectional studies that reported data on individuals who bullied others have shown that these individuals are at risk of developing psychosomatic problems ( Gini, 2008 ; Srabstein et al., 2006 ). Gini and Pozzoli (2009) conducted a meta-analysis to test whether children involved in bullying behavior in any role are at risk for psychosomatic problems. They included studies ( n = 11) that examined the association between bullying involvement and psychosomatic complaints in children and adolescents between the ages of 7 and 16. The studies included in the meta-analysis used self-report questionnaires; reports from peers, parents, or teachers; and clinical interviews that resulted in a clinical rating of the subject's behaviors and health problems. The included studies also had enough information to calculate effect sizes. An analysis of six studies that met the selection criteria revealed that children who bully had a higher risk ( OR = 1.65, 95% CI [1.34, 2.04]) of exhibiting psychosomatic problems than their uninvolved peers.

This meta-analysis was limited because of its inclusion of cross-sectional and observational studies. Such studies do not allow firm conclusions on cause and effect; hence, the association between bullying perpetration and psychosomatic problems may be difficult to interpret. The methodologies used in the studies make them susceptible to bias and misclassification due to the reluctance of individuals who bully to identify themselves as perpetrators of bullying behavior. Also, the different forms of victimization included in the underlying studies were not reported in this meta-analysis. Additional research is needed to examine the involvement in perpetrating bullying behavior and its short- and long-term psychosomatic consequences.

Psychotic Problems

Using a population-based cohort study, Wolke and colleagues (2014) examined whether bullying perpetration and being a target of bullying in elementary school predicted psychotic experiences 11 in adolescence. The authors assessed 4,720 individuals between the ages of 8 and 11 who were involved in bullying either as perpetrators or targets. At age 18, suspected or definite psychotic experiences were assessed using semistructured interviews. After controlling for the child's gender, intelligence quotient at age 8, and childhood behavioral and emotional problems, the researchers found that both individuals who are bullied (child report at age 10: OR = 2.4, 95% CI [1.6, 3.4]; mother report: OR = 1.6, 95% CI [1.1, 2.3]) and individuals who bullied others (child report at age 10: OR = 4.9, 95% CI [1.3, 17.7]; mother report: OR = 1.2, 95% CI [0.46, 3.1]) had a higher prevalence of psychotic experiences at age 18. The authors concluded that “involvement in any role in bullying may increase the risk of developing psychotic experiences in adolescence” ( Wolke et al., 2014 , p. 2208).

In summary, several studies have focused on the consequences of bullying for individuals who are bullied and have also reported more broadly on consequences for perpetrators of aggressive behavior (see Gini and Pozzoli, 2009 ; Lereya et al., 2015 ; Reijntjes et al., 2010 ; Ttofi et al., 2011 ), but the consequences of bullying involvement for individuals who perpetrate bullying behavior have been rarely studied to date. That is, although there is a rich literature on aggressors and the outcomes of being aggressive, there are few studies examining bullying perpetration specifically, taking into account the power imbalance, repetition, and intentionality that differentiates aggression from bullying from other forms of peer aggression. As discussed in Chapter 2 , the available research on the prevalence of bullying behavior focuses almost entirely on the children who are bullied. More research, in particular longitudinal research, is needed to understand the short- and long-term physical health, psychosocial, and academic consequences of bullying involvement on the individuals who have a pattern of bullying others, when those individuals are distinguished from children who engage in general aggressive behavior.

• CONSEQUENCES FOR INDIVIDUALS WHO BULLY AND ARE ALSO BULLIED

Individuals who bully and are also bullied experience a particular combination of consequences that both children who are only perpetrators and children who are only targets also experience, such as comorbidity of both externalizing and internalizing problems, negative perception of self and others, poor social skills, and rejection by the peer group. However, at the same time this combination of roles in bullying is negatively influenced by the peers with whom they are interacting ( Cook et al., 2010 ). After controlling for adjustment problems existing prior to incidents of bullying others or being bullied, a nationally representative cohort study found that young children who have been both perpetrators and targets of bullying tended to develop more pervasive and severe psychological and behavioral outcomes than individuals who were only bullied ( Arseneault et al., 2006 ).

Adolescents who were involved in cyberbullying as both perpetrators and targets have been found to be most at risk for negative mental and physical health consequences, compared to those who were only perpetrators, those who were only targets, or those who only witnessed bullying ( Kowalski and Limber, 2013 ; Nixon, 2014 ). For example, the results from a study by Kowalski and Limber (2013) that examined the relation between children's and adolescents' experiences with cyberbullying or traditional bullying and outcomes of psychological health, physical health, and academic performance showed that students who were both perpetrators and targets had the most negative scores on most measures of psychological health, physical health, and academic performance, when compared to those who were only perpetrators, only targets, or only witnesses of bullying incidents.

Wolke and colleagues (2001) examined the association of direct and relational bullying experience with common health problems and found that students ages 6-9 who bullied others and were also bullied by others had more physical health symptoms than children who were only perpetrators or were not involved in bullying behavior. Hunter and colleagues (2014) evaluated whether adolescents who were involved in bullying experienced sleep difficulties more than adolescents who were not involved. They analyzed surveys that were originally collected on behalf of the UK National Health Service and had been completed by adolescents ages 11-17. Controlling for gender, school-stage, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and other factors known to be associated with sleep difficulties—alcohol consumption, tea or coffee consumption, and illegal drug use—the authors found that individuals who were both perpetrators and targets in bullying incidents were almost three times more likely ( OR = 2.90, 95% CI [1.17, 4.92]) to experience these sleep difficulties, compared to uninvolved young people. Additional research is needed to identify the mechanisms underlying short- and long-term physical health outcomes of individuals who bully and are also bullied.

There is evidence that individuals who are both perpetrators and targets of bullying have the poorest psychosocial profile among individuals with any involvement in bullying behavior; their psychosocial maladjustment, peer relationships, and health problems are similar to individuals who are only bullied, while their school bonding and substance use is similar to individuals who are only perpetrators ( Graham et al., 2006 ; Nansel et al., 2001 , 2004 ). Individuals who both bully and are also bullied by others experience a greater variety of both internalizing and externalizing symptoms than those who only bully or those who are only bullied ( Kim et al., 2006 ).

Some meta-analyses have examined the association between involvement in bullying and internalizing problems in the school-age population and concluded that that individuals who are both perpetrators and targets of bullying had a significantly higher risk for psychosomatic problems than individuals who were only perpetrators or who were only targets ( Gini and Pozzoli, 2009 ; Reijntjes et al., 2010 ). In their meta-analysis, Gini and Pozzoli (2009) reviewed studies that examined the association between involvement in bullying and psychosomatic complaints in children and adolescents. Analysis of a subgroup of studies ( N = 5) that reported analyses for individuals who bully and are also bullied by others showed that these individuals have a significantly higher risk for psychosomatic problems than uninvolved peers ( OR = 2.22, 95% CI [1.77, 2.77]).

Studies suggest that individuals who bully and who are also bullied by others are especially at risk for suicidal ideation and behavior, due to increased mental health problems (see Holt et al., 2015 , and Box 4-1 ).

Suicidality: A Summary of the Available Meta-Analyses.

Similar to individuals who bully, individuals who bully and are also bullied by others often demonstrate heightened aggression compared with non-involved peers. Compared to these other groups, they are by far the most socially ostracized by their peers, most likely to display conduct problems, and least engaged in school, compared with those who are either just perpetrators or just targets; they also report elevated levels of depression and loneliness ( Juvonen et al., 2003 ). Additional research is needed that examines the unique consequences of those children and youth characterized as “bully-victims” because often they are not separated out from “pure victims” (those who are bullied only) in studies. School shootings are a violent externalizing behavior that has been associated with consequences of bullying behavior in the popular media (see Box 4-2 for additional detail).

Bullying and School Shootings.

Several studies have examined the associations between bullying involvement in adolescence and mental health problems in adulthood and have found that individuals who have bullied others and have also been bullied had increased risk of high levels of critical symptoms of psychosis compared to non-involved peers ( Gini, 2008 ; Sigurdson et al., 2015 ). Research is limited in this area, and the topic warrants further investigation.

• CONSEQUENCES OF BULLYING FOR BYSTANDERS

Bullying cannot be viewed as an isolated phenomenon; it is intertwined within the particular peer ecology that emerges, an ecology constituted of social processes that serve particular functions for the individual and for the group ( Rodkin, 2004 ). Bullying frequently occurs in the presence of children and youth who are bystanders or witnesses. Research indicates that bullying can have significant adverse effects on these bystanders ( Polanin et al., 2012 ).

Bystanders have reported feelings of anxiety and insecurity ( Rigby and Slee, 1993 ) which stemmed, in part, from fears of retaliation ( Musher-Eizenman et al., 2004 ) and which often prevented bystanders from seeking help ( Unnever and Cornell, 2003 ). In a study to explore the impact of bullying on the mental health of students who witness it, Rivers and colleagues (2009) surveyed 2,002 students, ages 12-16 and attending 14 schools in the United Kingdom, using a questionnaire that included measures of bullying at school, substance abuse, and mental health risk. They found that witnessing bullying significantly predicted elevated mental health risks even after controlling for the effect of also being a perpetrator or victim (range of = .07 to .15). They also found that being a witness to the bullying predicted elevated levels (= .06) of substance use. Rivers and Noret (2013) found that, compared to students who were not involved in bullying, those who observed bullying reported more symptoms of interpersonal sensitivity (e.g., feelings of being hurt or inferior), helplessness, and potential suicide ideation.

In conclusion, there is very limited research available on the consequences of witnessing bullying for those children and youth who are the bystanders. Studies of bystander behavior have traditionally sought to understand their motives for participation in bullying ( Salmivalli, 2010 ), their roles ( Lodge and Frydenberg, 2005 ; Salmivalli et al., 1996 ), their behavior (either reinforcing the bully or defending the victim) in bullying situations ( Salmivalli et al., 2011 ), and why observers intervene or do not intervene ( Thornberg et al., 2012 ) from a social dynamic perspective, without exploring the emotional and psychological impact of witnessing bullying. More research is needed to understand these consequences.

MULTIPLE EXPOSURES TO VIOLENCE 12

One subpopulation of school-aged youth that may be at increased risk for detrimental short- and long-term outcomes associated with bullying victimization is poly-victims. Finkelhor and colleagues (2007) coined the terms “poly-victim” and “poly-victimization” to represent a subset of youth who experience multiple victimizations of different kinds—such as exposure to (1) violent and property crimes (e.g., assault, sexual assault, theft, burglary), (2) child welfare violations (child abuse, family abduction), (3) the violence of warfare and civil disturbances, and (4) being targets of bullying behavior—and who manifest high levels of traumatic symptomatology. The identification of a poly-victim is grounded not only in the frequency of the victimization but also in victimization across multiple contexts and perpetrators ( Finkelhor et al., 2007 , 2009 ).

Ford and colleagues (2010) determined that poly-victims were more likely to meet criteria for psychiatric disorder, including being two times more likely to report depressive symptoms, three times more likely to report posttraumatic stress disorder, up to five times more likely to use alcohol or drugs, and up to eight times more likely to have comorbid disorders, compared to youth that did not meet criteria for poly-victimization. Poly-victims often engaged in delinquent behavior, associated with deviant peers ( Ford et al., 2010 ), and were entrenched within the juvenile justice system ( Ford et al., 2013 ). Students who were poly-victims in the juvenile justice system reported higher levels of traumatic symptomatology ( Finkelhor et al., 2005 ). However, it is currently unclear whether being bullied plays a major or minor role in poly-victimization.

• MECHANISMS FOR THE PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF BULLYING

In the following sections, the committee describes five potential mechanisms for the psychological effects of bullying behavior for both the children who are bullied and children who bully. These include self-blame, social cognition, emotional dysregulation, genetic predisposition to mental health outcomes and bullying, and telomere erosion. 13

One important mechanism for the psychological effects of bullying is how the targets of bullying construe the reason for their plight ( Graham, 2006 ). For example, a history of bullying and the perception of being singled out as a target might lead an individual to ask “Why me ?” In the absence of disconfirming evidence, some might come to blame themselves for their peer relationship problems. Self-blame and accompanying negative affect can then lead to many negative outcomes, including low self-esteem, anxiety, and depression ( Graham and Juvonen, 1998 ).

The adult rape literature (another form of victimization) highlights a correlation between experiencing rape and self-attributions that imply personal deservingness, labeled characterological self-blame, since they may lead to the person thinking of themselves as chronic victims ( Janoff-Bulman, 1979 ). From an attributional perspective, characterological self-blame is internal and therefore reflects on the self; it is stable and therefore leads to an expectation that harassment will be chronic; and it is uncontrollable, suggesting an inability to prevent future harassment. Attributing negative outcomes to internal, stable, and uncontrollable causes leads individuals to feel both hopeless and helpless ( Weiner, 1986 ). In contrast, behavioral self-blame (e.g., “I was in the wrong place at the wrong time”) implies a cause that is both unstable (the harassment is not expected to occur again) and controllable (there are responses in one's repertoire to prevent future harassment). Several researchers in the adult literature have documented that individuals who make characterological self-blaming attributions for negative outcomes cope more poorly, feel worse about themselves, and are more depressed than individuals who make attributions to their behavior (see Anderson et al., 1994 ). Research with early adolescents also revealed that characterological self-blame for academic and social failure resulted in heightened depression ( Cole et al., 1996 ; Tilghman-Osborne et al., 2008 ).

In the first attribution study focused specifically on bullying, Graham and Juvonen (1998) documented that sixth grade students with reputations as targets made more characterological self-blaming attributions for harassment than behavioral self-blaming attributions. Characterological self-blame, in turn, partly mediated the relationship between victim status and psychological maladjustment as measured by depression and social anxiety. Many studies since then have documented the relation between being targets of bullying, characterological self-blame, and maladjustment ( Graham et al., 2006 , 2009 ; Perren et al., 2012 ; Prinstein et al., 2005 ). Furthermore, bullied youth who endorsed characterological self-blame were likely to develop negative expectations about the future, which may also increase risk for continued bullying. For example, Schacter and colleagues (2014) reported that characterological self-blame endorsed in the fall of sixth grade predicted increases in reports of being bullied in the spring of sixth grade. Self-blame can then instigate psychological distress over time as well as increases in experiences of being bullied.

Such findings have implications for interventions targeted at bullied youth. The goal would be to change targets' maladaptive thoughts about the causes of their plight. For example, one could seek more adaptive attributions that could replace characterological self-blame. In some cases, change efforts might target behavioral explanations for being bullied (e.g., “I was in the wrong place at the wrong time”). In such cases, the goal would be to help targeted youth recognize that they have responses in their repertoire to prevent future encounters with harassing peers—that is, the cause is unstable and controllable ( Graham and Bellmore, 2007 ). External attributions also can be adaptive because they protect self-esteem ( Weiner, 1986 ). Knowing that others are also victims or that there are some aggressive youth who randomly single out unsuspecting targets can help lessen the tendency to self-blame ( Graham and Bellmore, 2007 ; Nishina and Juvonen, 2005 ). This approach of altering dysfunctional thoughts about oneself to produce changes in affect and behavior has produced a rich empirical literature on attribution therapy in educational and clinical settings (see Wilson et al., 2002 ). The guiding assumption of that research can be applied to alleviating the plight of targets of bullying.

Social Cognition

The most commonly cited models of social cognitive processes often connect back to work by Bandura (1973) , as well as to more recent conceptualizations by Crick and Dodge (1994) . These models have been applied to understanding aggressive behavior, but there has been less research applying these models to bullying behavior specifically. Related research by Anderson and Bushman (2002) on their general aggression model allows for a more focused understanding of the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that contribute to the development of the negative outcome. This framework characterizes the inputs, the routes, the proximal processes, and the outcomes associated with aggressive behavior and either being targeted by or perpetrating bullying behavior ( Kowalski and Limber, 2013 ; Vannucci et al., 2012 ). Although these theories pertain to aggressive behavior more broadly, given that bullying is considered by most researchers to be a specific form of aggressive behavior, these broader theories may also improve understanding of the etiology and development of bullying. For example, research on hostile attribution bias suggests that aggressive youth are particularly sensitive to ambiguous and potentially hostile peer behaviors. Similar hypersensitivity to threat is also likely present in youth who bully.

Another particular element of social cognitive processes that has been linked with aggressive behavior is normative beliefs about aggressive retaliation ( Crick and Dodge, 1994 ; Huesmann and Guerra, 1997 ). Such beliefs include the belief that aggressive retaliation is normative, acceptable, or justified, given the context of provocation. There has been exploration of links between these beliefs and both reactive and proactive aggression. However, there has been relatively limited research specifically focused on bullying behavior. Yet, the available literature suggests that although it may seem as if targets of bullying would most likely endorse such attitudes, it is the perpetrators of bullying, including those who are involved in bullying as both a perpetrator and a target, who are mostly likely to support aggressive retaliation ( Bradshaw et al., 2009 , 2013 ; O'Brennan et al., 2009 ).

Emotion Dysregulation

Attempts to identify mechanisms linking bullying to adverse outcomes have largely focused on social-cognitive processes ( Dodge et al., 1990 ) as described above. More recently, researchers have begun to examine emotion dysregulation as an additional mechanism that explains associations between peer victimization and adverse outcomes. Emotion regulation refers to the strategies that people use to “increase, maintain, or decrease one or more components of an emotional response” ( Gross, 2001 , p. 215). One's choices among such strategies have implications not only for how robustly one responds to a stressor but also for how quickly one can recover from a stressful experience. Several studies have shown that emotion regulation difficulties—also called emotion dysregulation —increase youths' risk of exposure to peer victimization ( Hanish et al., 2004 14 ) and to bullying ( Mahady Wilton et al., 2000 ). However, it is important to understand whether peer victimization itself causes emotion regulation difficulties, which in turn predict the adverse outcomes that result from peer victimization (e.g., depression, aggressive behaviors).

Several lines of evidence support the hypothesis that emotion dysregulation may account for the relationship between peer victimization and adverse outcomes among adolescents. First, constructs that are related to peer victimization—including social exclusion ( Baumeister et al., 2005 ) and stigma ( Inzlicht et al., 2006 )—impair self-regulation. Second, chronic stress during childhood and adolescence leads to deficits in emotion regulation ( Repetti et al., 2002 ). Bullying has been conceptualized as a chronic stressor for children who are the perpetrators and the targets ( Swearer and Hymel, 2015 ), which in turn may disrupt emotion regulation processes. Third, laboratory-based studies have indicated that peer victimization is associated with emotion dysregulation (e.g., self-directed negative emotion, emotional arousal and reactivity) in the context of a novel peer interaction ( Rudolph et al., 2009 ) and in a contrived play-group procedure ( Schwartz et al., 1993 ). Over time, the effort required to manage the increased arousal and negative affect associated with peer victimization 15 may eventually diminish individuals' coping resources and therefore their ability to understand and adaptively manage their emotions, leaving them more vulnerable to adverse outcomes ( McLaughlin et al., 2009 ).

Several studies have provided empirical support for emotion dysregulation as a mediator of the association between peer victimization and adverse outcomes among adolescents. In one of the first longitudinal demonstrations of mediation, McLaughlin and colleagues (2009) , using data from a large, prospective study of adolescents (ages 11-14), showed that peer victimization at baseline predicted increases in emotion dysregulation four months later, controlling for initial levels of emotion dysregulation. In turn, emotion dysregulation predicted subsequent psychological distress (depressive and anxious symptoms), thereby mediating the prospective relationship between peer victimization (relational and reputational forms) and internalizing symptoms ( McLaughlin et al., 2009 ). Subsequent research from this same sample of adolescents showed that emotion dysregulation also mediated the prospective relationship between peer victimization and subsequent aggressive behavior ( Herts et al., 2012 ).

There is also emerging evidence that emotion regulation mediates relationships between bullying and adverse outcomes. In one example of this work, Cosma et al. (2012) examined associations between bullying and several emotion regulation strategies, including rumination, catastrophizing, and other-blaming, in a sample of adolescents. Although bullying was predictive for each of these emotion regulation strategies, only one (catastrophizing) mediated the relationship between being a target of bullying and subsequent emotional problems. Thus, while more research is needed, existing evidence suggests that both social-cognitive and emotion regulation processes may be important targets for preventive interventions among youths exposed to peer victimization and bullying.

Genetic Predisposition to Mental Health Outcomes and Bullying

Longitudinal research suggests that being the victim or perpetrator of bullying does not lead to the same pathological or nonpathological outcomes in every person ( McDougall and Vaillancourt, 2015 ). There are many factors that contribute to how a person responds to the experience of being victimized, with very strong links already established with life experiences, as reviewed above. Most studies examining heterogeneity in outcomes associated with bullying have focused on environmental characteristics, such as individual, family, and school-level features to explain why some individuals fare better or worse when involved with bullying ( Vaillancourt et al., in press ). For example, the moderating role of the family has been examined with results indicating that bullied children and youth with better home environments tend to fare better than those living with more complicated families ( Flouri and Buchanan, 2003 ; also see Chapter 3 of this report). Far fewer studies have examined the role of potential genetic influences as mediators between life experiences such as bullying and mental health outcomes. Identifying potential genetic influences is critical for improving understanding of the rich behavioral and epidemiological data already gathered. At the present time, evidence-based understanding of physiology and neuroscience is very limited, and insufficient data have been gathered to produce informed hypothesis testing.

There is a growing body of literature examining the relative role of genes' interaction with the environment in relation to experiences with trauma. However, there are fewer studies exploring potential relations between genes and being the target or perpetrator of bullying. At first glance these studies may appear to suggest that a person's involvement with bullying is predetermined based on his/her genetic profile. Yet, it is important to bear in mind that heritable factors are also associated with specific environments—meaning it is difficult to separate genetic effects from environmental effects. This is a phenomenon termed gene-environment correlations , abbreviated as rGE ( Brendgen, 2012 ; Plomin et al., 1977 ; Scarr and McCartney, 1983 ). For example, aggression, which is highly heritable ( Niv et al., 2013 ), can be linked to the selection of environments in different ways (for review, see Brendgen, 2012 ). Aggressive children may choose friends who are similar in their genetically influenced behavioral characteristic of being aggressive, and this type of selection influences the characteristics of their peer group ( Brendgen, 2012 , p. 420). This is an example of selective rGE. A child's genetically influenced characteristic to be aggressive can also produce a negative reaction from others, such as being disliked. This environmental variable of being rejected now “becomes correlated with the aggressive genotype” ( Brendgen, 2012 , p. 421). This is an example of evocative rGE. Another way that a person's genetic predisposition can be correlated with their environment is through a more passive process, called a passive rGE ( Brendgen, 2012 ). For example, aggressive parents may be more likely to live in high-crime neighborhoods, which influence the probability that their child will be associating with antisocial peers. These important rGE processes and confounds of interaction notwithstanding, it is worth mentioning that the research on the genetics of being a target or perpetrator of bullying is still in its infancy, and caution is needed when evaluating the results, as replication is much needed in this area. Before considering these studies, the committee first reviews the concept of how genetic differences influence behavior because it is important to clarify new concepts in this burgeoning area of science (see Box 4-3 ).

How Do Genes Influence Behavior?

With this backdrop in mind, the committee focused on twin studies of familial (family environment) versus genetic influence, gene by environment interaction, and a newer area of inquiry, epigenetics: the study of cellular and physiological phenotypic trait variations caused by external or environmental factors.

Twin Studies

Twin studies are routinely used to examine the relative influence of genetics and the environment on a particular phenomenon, such as being the target or perpetrator of bullying. In these studies, the causes of phenotypic variation (for example the variation in being a target or perpetrator of bullying) is separated into three components: (1) the additive genetic component or the heritable factor; (2) the shared environment component or the aspect of the environment twins share such as poor family functioning; and (3) the nonshared environment component or the aspect of the environment that is unique to each twin, such as the classroom if twins are in different classes.

Studies that decompose the unique effects of the environment and genetics on bullying behavior are best illustrated by two examples. Using data from the Environmental Risk (E-Risk) Longitudinal Twin Study, a study of high-risk 16 British twins reared together and apart, Ball and colleagues (2008) examined children's involvement in bullying and the genetic versus environmental contributions associated with their involvement. The twins in this study were assessed at ages 7 and 10 on their experiences with bullying, using teacher and parent reports. Results indicated that 73 percent of the variation in being the target of bullying and 61 percent of the variation in bullying perpetration were accounted for by genetic factors. In another study of Canadian twins reared together and assessed at age 7, using teacher and peer reports to assess peer victimization and aggression, Brendgen and colleagues (2008) found that for girls, 60 percent of the variation in aggression was accounted for by genetic factors and for boys, the variation estimate was 66 percent. For peer victimization, the Canadian study found that genetics did not play a role in the prediction of being targeted by peers. In fact, almost all of the variance was accounted for by environmental factors—29 percent of the variance in peer victimization was from the shared environment and 71 percent from the nonshared environment. The authors concluded that “genetic modeling showed that peer victimization is an environmentally driven variable that is unrelated to children's genetic disposition” ( Brendgen et al., 2008 , p. 455).

These two studies address the role genetics might play in the expression of aggressive behavior but conflict on the heritability of being a target of bullying. Most studies examining the heritability of externalizing problems, which includes studies on perpetrating aggression and bullying, report high heritability estimates. In fact, a recent meta-analysis found that aggression and rule-breaking were highly influenced by genetics, estimating the heritability rate at 41 percent ( Niv et al., 2013 ). Moreover, studies have found that the heritability estimates tend to be higher for more serious forms of antisocial behavior. For example, the heritability of psychopathy in 7-year-old British twin children reared together and apart and studied in the Twins Early Development Study was reported to be 81 percent ( Viding et al., 2005 ). However, estimates of the heritability of peer victimization vary across studies, as illustrated by the above results from Ball and colleagues (2008) contrasted with those from Brendgen and colleagues (2008) , and even within studies ( Brendgen et al., 2008 , 2013 ).

Brendgen and colleagues have since revised their assessment about the role genetics play in the prediction of being the target of bullying. In a more recent study, following the same children highlighted in the 2008 paper ( Brendgen et al., 2008 ) across three assessment periods (kindergarten, grade 1, and grade 4), Boivin and colleagues (2013) reported that at each grade, among twins who were reared together and apart, genetic factors accounted for a notable percentage of the variance in children's difficulties with peers. Peer difficulties were assessed as a latent factor derived from self-, teacher-, and peer-reports of peer victimization 17 and peer rejection. Specifically, in kindergarten and grade 1, 73 percent of the variance was accounted by genetic factors and in grade 4, genetic factors account for 94 percent of the variance in peer rejection and victimization.

There are several reasons for discrepancies between and within studies of the genetic contribution to bullying behavior. One reason is related to how peer victimization is assessed. Parent-, teacher-, peer-, and self-reports of bullying victimization have been shown to vary considerably across reporters ( Ostrov and Kamper, 2015 ; Patton et al., 2015 ; Shakoor et al., 2011 ); thus, the method used to assess involvement with bullying may lead to different results. Another reason for the differences may be related to development. The influence of the environment is expected to change as children age. Young children are particularly sensitive to family influences, while the influence of peers tends to matter more during adolescence ( Harris, 1995 ). Moreover, the type of environment a person is exposed to (i.e., harsh or nurturing) interacts with genes to produce a brain that is tailored to deal with the particular demands of that environment.

Taken together, the genetic studies reviewed suggest that aggression, which characterizes the perpetrator role in bullying ( Vaillancourt et al., 2008 ), might have heritable components, but the findings on being the target of bullying or other aggressive behavior are mixed. Thus, the role of genetic influences on both perpetrating and being a target of bullying requires more empirical attention before conclusions can be drawn.

Gene-by-Environment Interactions

Researchers also question whether specific genotypic markers of vulnerability (e.g., candidate genes) influence developmental outcomes in the face of adversity (i.e., environment). Importantly, there is some indication that genetics influences the mental health issues related to bullying highlighted above, such as depression and heightened aggression. For example, in gene-environment studies, candidate genes have been examined as moderators of the exposure to a toxic stressor such as child maltreatment and health outcomes such as depression. When the body experiences repeated bouts of stress that fail to resolve quickly, the heightened state of vigilance and preparedness depletes it of resources and the stress hormone cortisol begins to produce adverse effects. Specifically, prolonged stress disrupts brain functions and results in compromised decision making, faulty cognitive assessment, compromised learning and memory, and a heightened sense of threat that alters behavior ( Lupien et al., 2005 ; McEwen, 2014 ). There is evidence that the impact of changes in cortisol (either too high or too low) on learning may contribute, in part, to bullied children's decline in academic performance ( Vaillancourt et al., 2011 ), overeating/metabolic disorder, or emotional dysregulation, but this research is relatively new and needs to be explicitly explored within the context of bullying ( McEwen, 2014 ).

A paradigmatic example of this type of study is one by Caspi and colleagues (2003) , in which the moderating role of a functional polymorphism in the promoter region of the serotonin transporter gene 5-HTTLPR was examined in relation to exposure to maltreatment in childhood and depression in adulthood. Results indicated that depression rates were far greater among abused individuals if they had two copies of the short allele. 18 Among individuals with a long allele, depression rates were lower, suggesting that the long allele was protective, while the short allele was a risk factor for depression in the face of adversity. Although the exact role of this serotonin-related gene has been a subject of controversy, a meta-analysis concluded that overall, the results are consistent across studies ( Karg et al., 2011 ). Nevertheless, skepticism and controversy remain regarding studies of gene-environment interactions ( Dick et al., 2015 ; Duncan, 2013 ; Duncan and Keller, 2011 ; Duncan et al., 2014 ). This important debate notwithstanding, there is evidence that variations in genotype might moderate the relation between exposure to being bullied and health outcomes. For example, Sugden and colleagues (2010) found that bullied children who carried two short versions of the 5-HTTLPR gene were more likely to develop emotional problems than bullied children who carried the long allele. Importantly, this moderating effect was present even when pre-victimization emotional problems were accounted for statistically. In addition to this study, three other studies have demonstrated the moderating effect of the 5-HTTLPR gene in the bullying-health link ( Banny et al., 2013 ; Benjet et al., 2010 ; Iyer et al., 2013 ), with depression being worse for carriers of the short/short genotype (both alleles are the short version) than carriers of the short/long and long/long genotypes.

Although the evidence suggests that genotypes moderate the relation between being a target of bullying and poorer mental health functioning like depression, it is important to acknowledge that this relation is more complex. Indeed, some individuals may be particularly biologically sensitive to negative environmental influences such as being bullied, but this genetic vulnerability can also be linked to better outcomes in the context of a more supportive and enriched environment (see Vaillancourt et al., in press ). This phenomenon is termed differential susceptibility ( Belsky and Pluess, 2009 ; Boyce and Ellis, 2005 ). For example, in their study of 5 and 6-year old children, Obradovic and colleagues (2010) found that high stress reactivity as measured using respiratory sinus arrhythmia and salivary cortisol was linked to poorer socioemotional behavior in the context of being in an environment that was high in family adversity. In a context characterized by lower adversity, high stress-reactive children had more adaptive outcomes.

To the committee's knowledge, there are no studies that have examined bullying perpetration in relation to serotonin transporter polymorphisms, although there are studies that have examined this polymorphism in aggressive and non-aggressive children. For example, Beitchman et al. (2006) examined 5-HTTLPR in clinically referred children between the ages of 5 and 15 and found a positive association between the short/short genotype and aggression. In other studies, the short allele has been associated with problems with impulse control that includes the use of aggression ( Retz et al., 2004 ).

The moderating role of different candidate genes has also been examined in relation to exposure to childhood adversity and poorer developmental outcomes (see review by Vaillancourt et al., in press ). With respect to bullying, only a few studies have examined gene-environment interactions. In one study by Whelan and colleagues (2014) , harsh parenting was associated with increased peer victimization and perpetration, but this effect was not moderated by the Monoamine Oxidase A (MAOA) genotype. 19 In another longitudinal study, Kretschmer and colleagues (2013) found that carriers of the 4-repeat homozygous variant of the dopamine receptor D4 gene were more susceptible to the effects of peer victimization 20 on delinquency later in adolescence than noncarriers of this allele. Finally, in a large sample of post-institutionalized children from 25 countries, VanZomeren-Dohm and colleagues (2015) examined the moderating role of FKBP5 rs1360780 21 in the relation between peer victimization 22 and depression symptoms. In this study, gender was also found to be a moderator. Specifically, girls who had the minor genotype (TT or CT) were more depressed at higher levels of peer victimization, but less depressed at lower level of peer victimization than girls who had CC genotype. For boys, the CC genotype was associated with more symptoms of depression than girls with the same CC genotype who had been bullied.

It is clear that genetics influences how experiences contribute to mental and physical well-being, although the specifics of these gene-environment interactions are complex and not completely understood. Even though genes appear to modulate humans' response to being a target or a perpetrator of bullying behavior, it is still unclear what aspects of these experiences are interacting with genes and which genes are implicated to produce the variability in outcomes. Human genes and environment interact in a very complex manner: what biological events a particular gene influences can change at different stages of development. That gene therefore interacts with the environment in unique ways across the development timeline. These gene-environment interactions can be subtle and are under constant flux ( Lake and Chan, 2015 ). Knowing both the genes involved and the specific environment conditions is critically important to understanding these interactions; a simplistic view of either the genetic or environmental component, especially when considered in isolation from the behavioral literature, is unlikely to be productive.

Epigenetic Consequences

It is clear from the research reviewed here that there are a variety of pathways leading to adaptive and maladaptive endpoints and that these pathways can also vary within the “system” along with other conditions and attributes ( McDougall and Vaillancourt, 2015 , p. 300), including a person's genetic susceptibility. In this section, the committee focuses on studies examining how genetic susceptibility can make certain individuals more sensitive to negative environmental influences.

Although a person's DNA is fixed at conception (i.e., nonmalleable), environment can have a strong effect on how some genes are used at each of the stages of development. One way such changes in gene use and expression can occur is through an epigenetic effect, in which environmental events alter the portions of the genome that control when gene replication is turned on or off and what parts of a gene get transcribed ( McGowan et al., 2009 ; Roth, 2014 ). That is, while an individual's genetic information is critically important, the environment can help to increase or decrease how some genetic information is used by indirectly turning on or off some genes based on input received by somatic cells from the environment. Such epigenetic alterations have been empirically validated in several animal studies. For example, in one line of epigenetic studies, infant rat pups are raised with either low- or high-nurturing mothers or with mothers that treated the pups harshly. The researchers found that the type of maternal care received in infancy had a notable effect on the rats' subsequent ability to deal with stress ( McGowan et al., 2011 ; Roth and Sweatt, 2011 ; Weaver et al., 2004 ). The behavioral effects were correlated with changes in DNA methylation. 23 Epigenetic changes associated with gene-environment interactions is a new and exciting research area that provide a direct link between how our genes are read and is thought to enable us to pass our experiences to the next generations. It is helpful to think of genes as books in a library and epigenetics as placing a barrier in front of a book to decrease the chances it is read or providing easy access to the book. Thus far, research has found that certain epigenetic mechanisms are strongly correlated with different neurobehavioral developmental trajectories, including changes in vulnerability and resilience to psychopathology. How epigenetics relates to individual responses to being a target or perpetrator of bullying is not clear, but the research in related areas of behavior highlights an important emerging area for investigation.

Various epigenetic processes appear to interact with many changes in the brain produced by early life experiences, including not only the number and shape of brain cells but also how these cells connect to one another at synapses ( Hanson et al., 2015 ).

Regarding bullying, the committee identified only one study that has examined epigenetic changes. Specifically, Ouellet-Morin and colleagues (2013) found an increase in DNA methylation of the serotonin transporter gene for children who had been bullied by their peers but not in children who had not been bullied. These researchers also found that children with higher serotonin DNA methylation had a blunted cortisol response to stress, which they had previously shown changes as a consequence of poor treatment by peers ( Ouellet-Morin et al., 2011 ). That is, their 2011 study of twin children assessed at ages 5 and 10 found that being bullied was correlated with a change in how the body responds to stress. Bullied children displayed a blunted cortisol response to a psychosocial stress test. Because the design of the study involved an examination of identical twins who were discordant with respect to their experiences of being bullied (one twin was bullied while the other one was not), Ouellet-Morin and colleagues (2011) concluded that the effect could not be attributed to “variations in either genetic makeup, family environment, or other concomitant factors, nor could they be attributed to the twins' perceptions of the degree of stress experienced during the task” ( Vaillancourt et al., 2013a , p. 243).

In summary, it is important to note that there is no gene for being a perpetrator or a target of bullying behavior. Based on current knowledge of the genetics of complex social behavior, such as bullying, the genetic component of individual response is likely to involve multiple genes that interact with the environment in a complex manner. The current understanding of genetics and complex behaviors is that genes do not cause a behavior; gene-by-environment studies do not use the word “environment” the same way it is used in everyday language or even in traditional social psychology (as in Chapter 3 ). Rather, it is a construct used in a model to estimate how much variability exists in a given environment. This means that the same gene placed in different environments would yield very different percentages for gene-environment interactions. It is unclear how this information would inform our understanding of bullying.

Telomere Erosion Consequences

Epigenetic research has found that negative life experiences can alter the expression of a gene, which in turn, can confer a risk for poor outcomes. Research also suggests that the experience of being bullied is associated with telomere erosion. The end of each chromatid has been found to shorten as people age; this telomere “tail” also erodes as a function of engaging in unhealthy behavior such as smoking or being obese. Telomere erosion is also associated with certain illnesses such as cancer, diabetes, and heart disease ( Blackburn and Epel, 2012 ; Kiecolt-Glaser et al., 2011 ; Vaillancourt et al., 2013a ). Given these associations, scientists are now examining telomere erosion as a biomarker of stress exposure ( Epel et al., 2004 ), including the stress of being bullied by peers.

A recent longitudinal study by Shalev and colleagues (2013) examined telomere erosion in relation to children's exposure to violence, 24 a significant early-life stressor that is known to have long-term consequences for health. They found that exposure to violence, including being a target of bullying, was associated with telomere erosion for children assessed at age 5 and again at age 10. The sample for this study included 236 children recruited from the Environmental-Risk Longitudinal Twin Study ( Moffitt, 2002 ), 42 percent of whom had one or more exposures to violence. The study found that cumulative exposure to violence 25 is positively associated with accelerated telomere erosion in children, from baseline to follow-up, with potential impact for life-long health ( Shalev et al., 2013 ).

In this chapter, the committee reviewed and critically analyzed the available research on the physical health, psychosocial, and academic achievement consequences for children and youth who are bullied, for those who bully, for those who are both bullied and bullies, and for those who are bystanders to events of bullying. It also examined the potential mediating mechanisms of, and the genetic predisposition to, mental health outcomes associated with childhood and youth experiences of bullying behavior. Most studies are cross-sectional and thus provide only associations suggestive of a possible causal effect. This problem is most acute for studies based on anonymous self-report, in which both the independent variable (experience of bullying in one or more roles) and dependent variables (such as emotional adjustment) are data collected at the same time from sources subject to various forms of bias.

The limited amount of data from longitudinal and experimental research designs limits the ability to draw conclusions with respect to causality. Additional longitudinal studies, for example, could help establish that the negative consequences attributed to bullying were not present before the bullying occurred. But even this does not prove a causal effect, since bullying and the associated impairments might be products of some third factor. Below, the committee summarizes what is known about associations and consequences and identifies key conclusions that can be drawn from this evidence base.

• FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS

Finding 4.1: Individuals who both bully and are also bullied by others experience a greater variety of both internalizing and externalizing symptoms than those who only bully or are only bullied. Finding 4.2: Individuals who bully others are likely to experience negative emotional, behavioral, and mental health outcomes, though most research has not distinguished perpetration of bullying from other forms of peer aggression. Finding 4.3: A large body of research indicates that individuals who have been bullied are at increased risk of subsequent mental, emotional, and behavioral problems, especially internalizing problems. Finding 4.4: Studies of bystander behavior in bullying have rarely examined the emotional and psychological impact of witnessing bullying. Finding 4.5: Children and youth who are bullied subsequently experience a range of somatic disturbances. Finding 4.6: Social-cognitive factors (e.g., self-blame) and unsuccessful emotion regulation (i.e., emotion dysregulation) mediate relationships between bullying and adverse outcomes. Finding 4.7: There is evidence that stressful events, such as might occur with experiences of being bullied, alter emotional brain circuits. This potential outcome is critically in need of further investigation. Finding 4.8: Genetics influences how experiences contribute to mental and physical well-being, although the nature of this relationship is complex and not completely understood. Finding 4.9: Emerging evidence suggests that repeated exposure to bullying may produce a neural signature that could underlie some of the behavioral outcomes associated with being bullied. Finding 4.10: There are limited data on the physical health consequence of bullying for those individuals who are involved in bullying as targets, perpetrators, as both targets and perpetrators, and as bystanders. Finding 4.11: Poly-victims (individuals who are targets of multiple types of aggression) are more likely to experience negative emotional, behavioral, and mental health outcomes than individuals targeted with only one form of aggression. Finding 4.12: The long-term consequences of being bullied extend into adulthood and the effects can be more severe than other forms of being maltreated as a child. Finding 4.13: Individuals who are involved in bullying (as perpetrators, targets, or both) in any capacity are significantly more likely to contemplate or attempt suicide, compared to children who are not involved in bullying. It is not known whether bystanders are at increased risk of suicidal ideation or suicide attempts. Finding 4.14: There is not enough evidence to date to conclude that being the target of bullying is a causal factor for multiple-homicide targeted school shootings, nor is there clear evidence on how experience as a target or perpetrator of bullying, or the mental health and behavior issues related to such experiences, contribute to school shootings.

Conclusions

Conclusion 4.1: Further research is needed to obtain more in-depth evidence on the physical health consequences of being the target of bullying including neural consequences. Conclusion 4.2: Additional research is needed to examine mediators of short- and long-term physical health outcomes of individuals who are bullied. Evidence is also needed regarding how these outcomes vary over time for different groups of children and youth, why individuals with similar experiences of being bullied might have different physical health outcomes, and how physical and emotional health outcomes intersect over time. Conclusion 4.3: Although the effects of being bullied on the brain are not yet fully understood, there are changes in the stress response systems and in the brain that are associated with increased risk for mental health problems, cognitive function, self-regulation, and other physical health problems. Conclusion 4.4: Bullying has significant short- and long-term internalizing and externalizing psychological consequences for the children who are involved in bullying behavior. Conclusion 4.5: The data are unclear on the role of bullying as one of or a precipitating cause of school shootings. Conclusion 4.6: Individuals who both bully others and are themselves bullied appear to be at greatest risk for poor psychosocial outcomes, compared to those who only bully or are only bullied and to those who are not bullied. Conclusion 4.7: While cross-sectional studies indicate that children who are bullied are at increased risk for poor academic achievement relative to those who are not bullied, the results from longitudinal studies are inconsistent and warrant more research. Conclusion 4.8: Existing evidence suggests that both social-cognitive and emotion regulation processes may mediate the relation between being bullied and adverse mental health outcomes. Conclusion 4.9: Although genes appear to modulate humans' response to being either a target or a perpetrator of bullying behavior, it is still unclear what aspects of these experiences are interacting with genes and which genes are implicated to produce the variability in outcomes. Examining the role of genes in bullying in the context of the environment is essential to providing meaningful information on the genetic component of individual differences in outcomes from being a target or a perpetrator of bullying behavior.

• Anderson CA, Bushman BJ. Human aggression. Annual Review of Psychology. 2002; 53 (1):27–51. [ PubMed : 11752478 ]
• Anderson CA, Miller RS, Riger AL, Dill JC, Sedikides C. Behavioral and characterological attributional styles as predictors of depression and loneliness: Review, refinement, and test. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 1994; 66 (3):549–558. [ PubMed : 8169764 ]
• Archer J. Testosterone and human aggression: An evaluation of the challenge hypothesis. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews. 2004; 30 (3):319–345. [ PubMed : 16483890 ]
• Arseneault L, Walsh E, Trzesniewski K, Newcombe R, Caspi A, Moffitt T. Bullying victimization uniquely contributes to adjustment problems in young children: A nationally representative cohort study. Pediatrics. 2006; 118 (1):130–138. [ PubMed : 16818558 ]
• Baldwin J, Arseneault L, Danese A. Childhood bullying and adiposity in young adulthood: Findings from the E-Risk Longitudinal Twin Study. Psychoneuroendocrinology. 2015; 61 :16.
• Ball HA, Arseneault L, Taylor A, Maughan B, Caspi A, Moffitt TE. Genetic and environmental influences on victims, bullies and bully-victims in childhood. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 2008; 49 (1):104–112. [ PubMed : 18181884 ]
• Baly MW, Cornell DG, Lovegrove P. A longitudinal investigation of self- and peer reports of bullying victimization across middle school. Psychology in the Schools. 2014; 51 (3):217–240.
• Bandura A. Aggression: A Social Learning Analysis. Englewood Cliffes, NJ: Prentice-Hall; 1973.
• Banny AM, Cicchetti D, Rogosch FA, Oshri A, Crick NR. Vulnerability to depression: A moderated mediation model of the roles of child maltreatment, peer victimization, and serotonin transporter linked polymorphic region genetic variation among children from low socioeconomic status backgrounds. Development and Psychopathology. 2013; 25 (03):599–614. [ PMC free article : PMC3959105 ] [ PubMed : 23880379 ]
• Baratta MV, Kodandaramaiah SB, Monahan PE, Yao J, Weber MD, Lin PA, Gisabella B, Petrossian N, Amat J, Kim K. Stress enables reinforcement-elicited serotonergic consolidation of fear memory. Biological Psychiatry. 2015; 79 (10):814–822. [ PMC free article : PMC4698247 ] [ PubMed : 26248536 ]
• Barnes DC, Wilson DA. Slow-wave sleep-imposed replay modulates both strength and precision of memory. Journal of Neuroscience. 2014; 34 (15):5134–5142. [ PMC free article : PMC3983797 ] [ PubMed : 24719093 ]
• Barra CB, Silva IN, Rodrigues TMB, Santos JLS, Colosimo EA. Morning serum basal cortisol levels are affected by age and pubertal maturation in school-aged children and adolescents. Hormone Research in Paediatrics. 2015; 83 (1):55–61. [ PubMed : 25592297 ]
• Baumeister RF, DeWall CN, Ciarocco NJ, Twenge JM. Social exclusion impairs self-regulation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 2005; 88 (4):589–604. [ PubMed : 15796662 ]
• Beitchman JH, Baldassarra L, Mik H, Hons B, Vincenzo De Luca M, King N, Bender D, Ehtesham S, Kennedy JL. Serotonin transporter polymorphisms and persistent, pervasive childhood aggression. American Journal of Psychiatry. 2006; 163 (6):1103–1105. [ PubMed : 16741214 ]
• Belsky J, Pluess M. Beyond diathesis stress: Differential susceptibility to environmental influences. Psychological Bulletin. 2009; 135 (6):885–908. [ PubMed : 19883141 ]
• Belujon P, Grace AA. Regulation of dopamine system responsivity and its adaptive and pathological response to stress. Proceedings of the Royal Society of London B: Biological Sciences. 2015; 282 (1805):1–10. [ PMC free article : PMC4389605 ] [ PubMed : 25788601 ]
• Benjet C, Thompson RJ, Gotlib IH. 5-HTTLPR moderates the effect of relational peer victimization on depressive symptoms in adolescent girls. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 2010; 51 (2):173–179. [ PMC free article : PMC2804775 ] [ PubMed : 19754661 ]
• Beran T. Correlates of peer victimization and achievement: An exploratory model. Psychology in the Schools. 2009; 46 (4):348–361.
• Beran TN, Lupart J. The relationship between school achievement and peer harassment in Canadian adolescents: The importance of mediating factors. School Psychology International. 2009; 30 (1):75–91.
• Beran TN, Hughes G, Lupart J. A model of achievement and bullying: Analyses of the Canadian National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth data. Educational Research. 2008; 50 (1):25–39.
• Blackburn EH, Epel ES. Nature. 7419. Vol. 490. 2012. pp. 169–171. [ PubMed : 23060172 ]
• Blakemore SJ. Development of the social brain in adolescence. Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine. 2012; 105 (3):111–116. [ PMC free article : PMC3308644 ] [ PubMed : 22434810 ]
• Boden JM, van Stockum S, Horwood LJ, Fergusson DM. Bullying victimization in adolescence and psychotic symptomatology in adulthood: Evidence from a 35-year study. Psychological Medicine. 2016; 46 (6):1311–1320. [ PubMed : 26804185 ]
• Bogart LM, Elliott MN, Klein DJ, Tortolero SR, Mrug S, Peskin MF, Davies SL, Schink ET, Schuster MA. Peer victimization in fifth grade and health in tenth grade. Pediatrics. 2014; 133 (3):440–447. [ PMC free article : PMC4530298 ] [ PubMed : 24534401 ]
• Boivin M, Brendgen M, Vitaro F, Dionne G, Girard A, Perusse D, Tremblay RE. Strong genetic contribution to peer relationship difficulties at school entry: Findings from a longitudinal twin study. Child Development. 2013; 84 (3):1098–1114. [ PubMed : 23210840 ]
• Booth A, Granger DA, Shirtcliff EA. Gender- and age-related differences in the association between social relationship quality and trait levels of salivary cortisol. Journal of Research on Adolescence. 2008; 18 (2):239–260.
• Borum R, Cornell DG, Modzeleski W, Jimerson SR. What can be done about school shootings? A review of the evidence. Educational Researcher. 2010; 39 (1):27–37.
• Bowes L, Joinson C, Wolke D, Lewis G. Peer victimisation during adolescence and its impact on depression in early adulthood: Prospective cohort study in the United Kingdom. The BMJ. 2015; 350 :1–9. [ PMC free article : PMC4452929 ] [ PubMed : 26037951 ]
• Boyce WT, Ellis BJ. Biological sensitivity to context: I. An evolutionary-developmental theory of the origins and functions of stress reactivity. Development and Psychopathology. 2005; 17 (2):271–301. [ PubMed : 16761546 ]
• Bradshaw CP, Sawyer AL, O'Brennan LM. A social disorganization perspective on bullying-related attitudes and behaviors: The influence of school context. American Journal of Community Psychology. 2009; 43 (3-4):204–220. [ PubMed : 19333749 ]
• Bradshaw CP, Goldweber A, Fishbein D, Greenberg MT. Infusing developmental neuroscience into school-based preventive interventions: Implications and future directions. Journal of Adolescent Health. 2012; 51 (2):S41–S47. [ PubMed : 22794533 ]
• Brendgen M. Genetics and peer relations: A review. Journal of Research on Adolescence. 2012; 22 (3):419–437.
• Bradshaw CP, Goldweber A, Garbarino J. Linking social-environmental risk factors with aggression in suburban adolescents: The role of social-cognitive mediators. Psychology in Schools. 2013; 50 (5):433–450.
• Brendgen M, Boivin M, Vitaro F, Bukowski WM, Dionne G, Tremblay RE, Pérusse D. Linkages between children's and their friends' social and physical aggression: Evidence for a gene–environment interaction? Child Development. 2008; 79 (1):13–29. [ PubMed : 18269506 ]
• Brendgen M, Girard A, Vitaro F, Dionne G, Boivin M. Do peer group norms moderate the expression of genetic risk for aggression? Journal of Criminal Justice. 2013; 41 (5):324–330.
• Buhs ES, Ladd GW, Herald SL. Peer exclusion and victimization: Processes that mediate the relation between peer group rejection and children's classroom engagement and achievement? Journal of Educational Psychology. 2006; 98 (1):1–13.
• Camodeca M, Goossens FA, Schuengel C, Terwogt MM. Links between social information processing in middle childhood and involvement in bullying. Aggressive Behavior. 2003; 29 (2):116–127.
• Casement MD, Guyer AE, Hipwell AE, McAloon RL, Hoffmann AM, Keenan KE, Forbes EE. Girls' challenging social experiences in early adolescence predict neural response to rewards and depressive symptoms. Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience. 2014; 8 :18–27. [ PMC free article : PMC3960334 ] [ PubMed : 24397999 ]
• Casey B, Jones RM. Neurobiology of the adolescent brain and behavior: Implications for substance use disorders. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. 2010; 49 (12):1189–1201. [ PMC free article : PMC3099425 ] [ PubMed : 21093769 ]
• Caspi A, Sugden K, Moffitt TE, Taylor A, Craig IW, Harrington H, McClay J, Mill J, Martin J, Braithwaite A. Influence of life stress on depression: Moderation by a polymorphism in the 5-HTT gene. Science. 2003; 301 (5631):386–389. [ PubMed : 12869766 ]
• Chattarji S, Tomar A, Suvrathan A, Ghosh S, Rahman MM. Neighborhood matters: Divergent patterns of stress-induced plasticity across the brain. Nature Neuroscience. 2015; 18 (10):1364–1375. [ PubMed : 26404711 ]
• Cole DA, Peeke LG, Ingold C. Characterological and behavioral self-blame in children: Assessment and development considerations. Development and Psychopathology. 1996; 8 (02):381–397.
• Cook CR, Williams KR, Guerra NG, Kim TE, Sadek S. Predictors of bullying and victimization in childhood and adolescence: A meta-analytic investigation. School Psychology Quarterly. 2010; 25 (2):65–83.
• Copeland WE, Wolke D, Angold A, Costello EJ. Adult psychiatric outcomes of bullying and being bullied by peers in childhood and adolescence. Journal of the American Medical Association Psychiatry. 2013; 70 (4):419–426. [ PMC free article : PMC3618584 ] [ PubMed : 23426798 ]
• Copeland WE, Wolke D, Lereya ST, Shanahan L, Worthman C, Costello EJ. Childhood bullying involvement predicts low-grade systemic inflammation into adulthood. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 2014; 111 (21):7570–7575. [ PMC free article : PMC4040559 ] [ PubMed : 24821813 ]
• Cornell D. School Violence: Fears vs. Facts. New York: Routledge; 2006.
• Cosma A, Balazsi R, Dobrean A, Baban A. Bullying victimization, emotional problems and cognitive emotion regulation in adolescence. Psychology & Health. 2012; 27 :185–188.
• Cougnard A, Marcelis M, Myin-Germeys I, De Graaf R, Vollebergh W, Krabbendam L, Lieb R, Wittchen HU, Henquet C, Spauwen J. Does normal developmental expression of psychosis combine with environmental risk to cause persistence of psychosis? A psychosis proneness–persistence model. Psychological Medicine. 2007; 37 (04):513–527. [ PubMed : 17288646 ]
• Crick NR, Dodge KA. A review and reformulation of social information-processing mechanisms in children's social adjustment. Psychological Bulletin. 1994; 115 (1):74–101.
• Cunningham T, Hoy K, Shannon C. Does childhood bullying lead to the development of psychotic symptoms? A meta-analysis and review of prospective studies. Psychosis. 2015; 8 (1):1–12.
• Dahl RE, Gunnar MR. Heightened stress responsiveness and emotional reactivity during pubertal maturation: Implications for psychopathology. Development and Psychopathology. 2009; 21 (01):1–6. [ PubMed : 19144219 ]
• Dallman MF, Pecoraro N, Akana SF, La Fleur SE, Gomez F, Houshyar H, Bell M, Bhatnagar S, Laugero KD, Manalo S. Chronic stress and obesity: A new view of “comfort food.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 2003; 100 (20):11696–11701. [ PMC free article : PMC208820 ] [ PubMed : 12975524 ]
• Danese A, Tan M. Childhood maltreatment and obesity: Systematic review and meta-analysis. Molecular Psychiatry. 2014; 19 (5):544–554. [ PubMed : 23689533 ]
• Danese A, Pariante CM, Caspi A, Taylor A, Poulton R. Childhood maltreatment predicts adult inflammation in a life-course study. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 2007; 104 (4):1319–1324. [ PMC free article : PMC1783123 ] [ PubMed : 17229839 ]
• de Bruyn E, Cillessen A, Wissink I. Associations of peer acceptance and perceived popularity with bullying and victimization in early adolescence. Journal of Early Adolescence. 2010; 30 (4):543–566.
• Dick DM, Agrawal A, Keller MC, Adkins A, Aliev F, Monroe S, Hewitt JK, Kendler KS, Sher KJ. Candidate gene–environment interaction research: Reflections and recommendations. Perspectives on Psychological Science. 2015; 10 (1):37–59. [ PMC free article : PMC4302784 ] [ PubMed : 25620996 ]
• Didden R, Scholte RHJ, Korzilius H, de Moor JMH, Vermeulen A, O'Reilly M, Lang R, Lancioni GE. Cyberbullying among students with intellectual and developmental disability in special education settings. Developmental Neurorehabilitation. 2009; 12 (3):146–151. [ PubMed : 19466622 ]
• Dijkstra JK, Lindenberg S, Veenstra R. Beyond the class norm: Bullying behavior of popular adolescents and its relation to peer acceptance and rejection. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology. 2008; 36 (8):1289–1299. [ PubMed : 18607717 ]
• Dodge KA. Cognitive Perspectives on Children's Social and Behavioral Development: The Minnesota Symposia on Child Psychology, Volume 18. Perlmutter M, editor. New York: Psychology Press; 1986. pp. 77–125. (A social information processing model of social competence in children).
• Dodge KA, Bates JE, Pettit GS. Mechanisms in the cycle of violence. Science. 1990; 250 (4988):1678–1683. [ PubMed : 2270481 ]
• Duncan LE. Paying attention to all results, positive and negative. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. 2013; 52 (5):462–465. [ PubMed : 23622847 ]
• Duncan LE, Keller MC. A critical review of the first 10 years of candidate gene-by-environment interaction research in psychiatry. Perspectives. 2011; 168 (10):1041–1049. [ PMC free article : PMC3222234 ] [ PubMed : 21890791 ]
• Duncan LE, Pollastri AR, Smoller JW. Mind the gap: Why many geneticists and psychological scientists have discrepant views about gene–environment interaction (G × E) research. American Psychologist. 2014; 69 (3):249–268. [ PMC free article : PMC7446184 ] [ PubMed : 24750075 ]
• Eisenberger NI. The neural bases of social pain: Evidence for shared representations with physical pain. Psychosomatic Medicine. 2012; 74 (2):126–135. [ PMC free article : PMC3273616 ] [ PubMed : 22286852 ]
• Eisenberger NI, Lieberman MD. Why rejection hurts: A common neural alarm system for physical and social pain. Trends in Cognitive Sciences. 2004; 8 (7):294–300. [ PubMed : 15242688 ]
• Eisenberger NI, Lieberman MD, Williams KD. Does rejection hurt? An fMRI study of social exclusion. Science. 2003; 302 (5643):290–292. [ PubMed : 14551436 ]
• Epel ES, Blackburn EH, Lin J, Dhabhar FS, Adler NE, Morrow JD, Cawthon RM. Accelerated telomere shortening in response to life stress. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 2004; 101 (49):17312–17315. [ PMC free article : PMC534658 ] [ PubMed : 15574496 ]
• Espelage DL, Swearer SM, editors. Bullying in American Schools: A Social-Ecological Perspective on Prevention and Intervention. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates; 2004.
• Espelage DL, Hong JS, Rao MA, Low S. Associations between peer victimization and academic performance. Theory Into Practice. 2013; 52 (4):233–240.
• Espinoza G, Gonzales NA, Fuligni AJ. Daily school peer victimization experiences among Mexican-American adolescents: Associations with psychosocial, physical, and school adjustment. Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 2013; 42 (12):1775–1788. [ PMC free article : PMC3951444 ] [ PubMed : 23238764 ]
• Euston DR, Gruber AJ, McNaughton BL. The role of medial prefrontal cortex in memory and decision making. Neuron. 2012; 76 (6):1057–1070. [ PMC free article : PMC3562704 ] [ PubMed : 23259943 ]
• Evans GW, Kim P, Ting AH, Tesher HB, Shannis D. Cumulative risk, maternal responsiveness, and allostatic load among young adolescents. Developmental Psychology. 2007; 43 (2):341. [ PubMed : 17352543 ]
• Faris R, Ennett S. Adolescent aggression: The role of peer group status motives, peer aggression, and group characteristics. Social Networks. 2012; 34 (4):371–378. [ PMC free article : PMC4138540 ] [ PubMed : 25152562 ]
• Farmer TW, Estell DB, Bishop JL, O'Neal KK, Cairns BD. Rejected bullies or popular leaders? The social relations of aggressive subtypes of rural African American early adolescents. Developmental Psychology. 2003; 39 (6):992–1004. [ PubMed : 14584980 ]
• Fein RA, Vossekuil B, Pollack WS, Borum R, Modzeleski W, Reddy M. Threat Assessment in Schools: A Guide to Managing Threatening Situations and Creating Safe School Climates. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Office of Elementary and Secondary Education, Safe and Drug-Free Schools Program and U.S. Secret Service, National Threat Assessment Center; 2002.
• Feldman MA, Ojanen T, Gesten EL, Smith-Schrandt H, Brannick M, Totura CMW, Alexander L, Scanga D, Brown K. The effects of middle school bullying and victimization on adjustment through high school: Growth modeling of achievement, school attendance, and disciplinary trajectories. Psychology in the Schools. 2014; 51 (10):1046–1062.
• Finkelhor D, Ormrod RK, Turner HA, Hamby SL. Measuring poly-victimization using the juvenile victimization questionnaire. Child Abuse & Neglect. 2005; 29 (11):1297–1312. [ PubMed : 16274741 ]
• Finkelhor D, Ormrod RK, Turner HA. Poly-victimization: A neglected component in child victimization. Child Abuse & Neglect. 2007; 31 (1):7–26. [ PubMed : 17224181 ]
• Finkelhor D, Ormrod RK, Turner HA. Lifetime assessment of poly-victimization in a national sample of children and youth. Child Abuse & Neglect. 2009; 33 (7):403–411. [ PubMed : 19589596 ]
• Flannery DJ, Modzeleski W, Kretschmar JM. Violence and school shootings. Current Psychiatry Reports. 2013; 15 (1):1–7. [ PubMed : 23254623 ]
• Flouri E, Buchanan A. The role of mother involvement and father involvement in adolescent bullying behavior. Journal of Interpersonal Violence. 2003; 18 (6):634–644.
• Ford JD, Elhai JD, Connor DF, Frueh BC. Poly-victimization and risk of posttraumatic, depressive, and substance use disorders and involvement in delinquency in a national sample of adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health. 2010; 46 (6):545–552. [ PubMed : 20472211 ]
• Ford JD, Grasso DJ, Hawke J, Chapman JF. Poly-victimization among juvenile justice-involved youths. Child Abuse & Neglect. 2013; 37 (10):788–800. [ PubMed : 23428165 ]
• Forero R, McLellan L, Rissel C, Bauman A. Bullying behaviour and psychosocial health among school students in New South Wales, Australia, Cross-Sectional Survey. BMJ. 1999; 319 (7206):344–348. [ PMC free article : PMC28186 ] [ PubMed : 10435953 ]
• Ganzel BL, Kim P, Glover GH, Temple E. Resilience after 9/11: Multimodal neuroimaging evidence for stress-related change in the healthy adult brain. Neuroimage. 2008; 40 (2):788–795. [ PMC free article : PMC2405811 ] [ PubMed : 18234524 ]
• Gastic B. School truancy and the disciplinary problems of bullying victims. Educational Review. 2008; 60 (4):391–404.
• Gee DG, Gabard-Durnam L, Telzer EH, Humphreys KL, Goff B, Shapiro M, Flannery J, Lumian DS, Fareri DS, Caldera C. Maternal buffering of human amygdala-prefrontal circuitry during childhood but not during adolescence. Psychological Science. 2014 [ PMC free article : PMC4377225 ] [ PubMed : 25280904 ] [ CrossRef ]
• Gibb SJ, Horwood LJ, Fergusson DM. Bullying victimization/perpetration in childhood and later adjustment: Findings from a 30-year longitudinal study. Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research. 2011; 3 (2):82–88.
• Giedd JN, Blumenthal J, Jeffries NO, Castellanos FX, Liu H, Zijdenbos A, Paus T, Evans AC, Rapoport JL. Brain development during childhood and adolescence: A longitudinal MRI study. Nature Neuroscience. 1999; 2 (10):861–863. [ PubMed : 10491603 ]
• Gini G. Associations between bullying behaviour, psychosomatic complaints, emotional and behavioural problems. Journal of Paediatrics and Child Health. 2008; 44 (9):492–497. [ PubMed : 17608653 ]
• Gini G, Pozzoli T. Association between bullying and psychosomatic problems: A meta-analysis. Pediatrics. 2009; 123 (3):1059–1065. [ PubMed : 19255040 ]
• Gini G, Pozzoli T. Bullied children and psychosomatic problems: A meta-analysis. Pediatrics. 2013; 132 (4):720–729. [ PubMed : 24043275 ]
• Glew GM, Fan MY, Katon W, Rivara FP, Kernic MA. Bullying, psychosocial adjustment, and academic performance in elementary school. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine. 2005; 159 (11):1026–1031. [ PubMed : 16275791 ]
• Glew GM, Fan MY, Katon W, Rivara FP. Bullying and school safety. Journal of Pediatrics. 2008; 152 (1):123–128. [ PMC free article : PMC3839286 ] [ PubMed : 18154913 ]
• Graham S. Peer victimization in school: Exploring the ethnic context. Current Directions in Psychological Science. 2006; 15 (6):317–321.
• Graham S, Bellmore AD. Peer victimization and mental health during early adolescence. Theory into Practice. 2007; 46 (2):138–146.
• Graham S, Juvonen J. Self-blame and peer victimization in middle school: An attributional analysis. Developmental Psychology. 1998; 34 (3):587–599. [ PubMed : 9597367 ]
• Graham S, Bellmore AD, Mize J. Peer victimization, aggression, and their co-occurrence in middle school: Pathways to adjustment problems. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology. 2006; 34 (3):349–364. [ PubMed : 16648999 ]
• Graham S, Bellmore A, Nishina A, Juvonen J. “It must be me”: Ethnic diversity and attributions for peer victimization in middle school. Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 2009; 38 (4):487–499. [ PubMed : 19636723 ]
• Greenberg DB. Somatization: Epidemiology, Pathogenesis, Clinical Features, Medical Evaluation, and Diagnosis. 2016. [June 2016]. http://www ​.uptodate.com ​/contents/somatizationtreatment-and-prognosis?source ​=see_link .
• Gross JJ. Emotion regulation in adulthood: Timing is everything. Current Directions in Psychological Science. 2001; 10 (6):214–219.
• Hager AD, Leadbeater BJ. The longitudinal effects of peer victimization on physical health from adolescence to young adulthood. Journal of Adolescent Health. 2016; 58 (3):330–336. [ PubMed : 26704181 ]
• Hanish LD, Eisenberg N, Fabes RA, Spinrad TL, Ryan P, Schmidt S. The expression and regulation of negative emotions: Risk factors for young children's peer victimization. Development and Psychopathology. 2004; 16 (02):335–353. [ PubMed : 15487599 ]
• Hanson JL, Nacewicz BM, Sutterer MJ, Cayo AA, Schaefer SM, Rudolph KD, Shirtcliff EA, Pollak SD, Davidson RJ. Behavioral problems after early life stress: Contributions of the hippocampus and amygdala. Biological Psychiatry. 2015; 77 (4):314–323. [ PMC free article : PMC4241384 ] [ PubMed : 24993057 ]
• Harris JR. Where is the child's environment? A group socialization theory of development. Psychological Review. 1995; 102 (3):458–489.
• Harvey AG, Tang NK. (Mis) perception of sleep in insomnia: A puzzle and a resolution. Psychological Bulletin. 2012; 138 (1):77–101. [ PMC free article : PMC3277880 ] [ PubMed : 21967449 ]
• Hawker DS, Boulton MJ. Twenty years' research on peer victimization and psychosocial maladjustment: A meta-analytic review of cross-sectional studies. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 2000; 41 (4):441–455. [ PubMed : 10836674 ]
• Heim C, Owens MJ, Plotsky PM, Nemeroff CB. Persistent changes in corticotropin-releasing factor systems due to early life stress: Relationship to the pathophysiology of major depression and post-traumatic stress disorder. Psychopharmacology Bulletin. 1997; 33 (2):185–192. [ PubMed : 9230630 ]
• Hennessy MB, Kaiser S, Sachser N. Social buffering of the stress response: Diversity, mechanisms, and functions. Frontiers in Neuroendocrinology. 2009; 30 (4):470–482. [ PubMed : 19545584 ]
• Hennessy MB, Schiml PA, Willen R, Watanasriyakul W, Johnson J, Garrett T. Selective social buffering of behavioral and endocrine responses and Fos induction in the prelimbic cortex of infants exposed to a novel environment. Developmental Psychobiology. 2015; 57 (1):50–62. [ PubMed : 25355379 ]
• Herts KL, McLaughlin KA, Hatzenbuehler ML. Emotion dysregulation as a mechanism linking stress exposure to adolescent aggressive behavior. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology. 2012; 40 (7):1111–1122. [ PMC free article : PMC3448707 ] [ PubMed : 22466516 ]
• Holt MK, Vivolo-Kantor AM, Polanin JR, Holland KM, DeGue S, Matjasko JL, Wolfe M, Reid G. Bullying and suicidal ideation and behaviors: A meta-analysis. Pediatrics. 2015; 135 (2):e496–e509. [ PMC free article : PMC4702491 ] [ PubMed : 25560447 ]
• Hostinar CE, Sullivan RM, Gunnar MR. Psychobiological mechanisms underlying the social buffering of the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenocortical axis: A review of animal models and human studies across development. Psychological Bulletin. 2014; 140 (1):256–282. [ PMC free article : PMC3844011 ] [ PubMed : 23607429 ]
• Hostinar CE, Johnson AE, Gunnar MR. Parent support is less effective in buffering cortisol stress reactivity for adolescents compared to children. Developmental Science. 2015; 18 (2):281–297. [ PMC free article : PMC4270957 ] [ PubMed : 24942038 ]
• Huesmann LR, Guerra NG. Children's normative beliefs about aggression and aggressive behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 1997; 72 (2):408–419. [ PubMed : 9107008 ]
• Hunter SC, Durkin K, Boyle JM, Booth JN, Rasmussen S. Adolescent bullying and sleep difficulties. Europe's Journal of Psychology. 2014; 10 (4):740–755.
• Institute of Medicine and National Research Council. Building Capacity to Reduce Bullying: Workshop Summary. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press; 2014a. [ PubMed : 25232636 ]
• Institute of Medicine and National Research Council. New Directions in Child Abuse and Neglect Research. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press; 2014b. [ PubMed : 24757747 ]
• Inzlicht M, McKay L, Aronson J. Stigma as ego depletion: How being the target of prejudice affects self-control. Psychological Science. 2006; 17 (3):262–269. [ PubMed : 16507068 ]
• Iyer PA, Dougall AL, Jensen-Campbell LA. Are some adolescents differentially susceptible to the influence of bullying on depression? Journal of Research in Personality. 2013; 47 (4):272–281.
• Janoff-Bulman R. Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 1979; 37 (10):1798–1809. [ PubMed : 512837 ]
• Jovanovic T, Smith A, Gamwell K, Nylocks M, Norrholm SD, Ressler KJ, Bradley B. Psychophysiological biomarkers of anxiety in children at high risk for trauma exposure. Biological Psychiatry. 2013; 73 (9):17S–17S.
• Judd LL, Schettler PJ, Brown ES, Wolkowitz OM, Sternberg EM, Bender BG, Bulloch K, Cidlowski JA, de Kloet ER, Fardet L. Adverse consequences of glucocorticoid medication: Psychological, cognitive, and behavioral effects. American Journal of Psychiatry. 2014; 171 (10):1045–1051. [ PubMed : 25272344 ]
• Juvonen J, Graham S. Bullying in schools: The power of bullies and the plight of victims. Annual Review of Psychology. 2014; 65 (1):159–185. [ PubMed : 23937767 ]
• Juvonen J, Nishina A, Graham S. Peer harassment, psychological adjustment, and school functioning in early adolescence. Journal of Educational Psychology. 2000; 92 (2):349–359.
• Juvonen J, Graham S, Schuster MA. Bullying among young adolescents: The strong, the weak, and the troubled. Pediatrics. 2003; 112 (6):1231–1237. [ PubMed : 14654590 ]
• Juvonen J, Wang Y, Espinoza G. Bullying experiences and compromised academic performance across middle school grades. Journal of Early Adolescence. 2011; 31 (1):152–173.
• Kalmakis KA, Chandler GE. Health consequences of adverse childhood experiences: A systematic review. Journal of the American Association of Nurse Practitioners. 2015; 27 (8):457–465. [ PubMed : 25755161 ]
• Karg K, Burmeister M, Shedden K, Sen S. The serotonin transporter promoter variant (5-HTTLPR), stress, and depression meta-analysis revisited: Evidence of genetic moderation. Archives of General Psychiatry. 2011; 68 (5):444–454. [ PMC free article : PMC3740203 ] [ PubMed : 21199959 ]
• Kidger J, Heron J, Leon DA, Tilling K, Lewis G, Gunnell D. Self-reported school experience as a predictor of self-harm during adolescence: A prospective cohort study in the south west of England (ALSPAC). Journal of Affective Disorders. 2015; 173 :163–169. [ PMC free article : PMC4286629 ] [ PubMed : 25462412 ]
• Kiecolt-Glaser JK, Gouin JP, Weng NP, Malarkey WB, Beversdorf DQ, Glaser R. Childhood adversity heightens the impact of later-life caregiving stress on telomere length and inflammation. Psychosomatic Medicine. 2011; 73 (1):16–22. [ PMC free article : PMC3051180 ] [ PubMed : 21148804 ]
• Kim YS, Leventhal B. Bullying and suicide. A review. International Journal of Adolescent Medicine and Health. 2008; 20 (2):133–154. [ PubMed : 18714552 ]
• Kim JH, Richardson R. New findings on extinction of conditioned fear early in development: Theoretical and clinical implications. Biological Psychiatry. 2010; 67 (4):297–303. [ PubMed : 19846065 ]
• Kim YS, Leventhal BL, Koh YJ, Hubbard A, Boyce WT. School bullying and youth violence: Causes or consequences of psychopathologic behavior? Archives of General Psychiatry. 2006; 63 (9):1035–1041. [ PubMed : 16953006 ]
• Kimmel MS, Mahler M. Adolescent masculinity, homophobia, and violence: Random school shootings, 1982-2001. American Behavioral Scientist. 2003; 46 (10):1439–1458.
• Klein J. The Bully Society: School Shootings and the Crisis of Bullying in America's Schools. New York: New York University Press; 2012.
• Kliewer W. Violence exposure and cortisol responses in urban youth. International Journal of Behavioral Medicine. 2006; 13 (2):109–120. [ PubMed : 16712428 ]
• Kliewer W, Dibble AE, Goodman KL, Sullivan TN. Physiological correlates of peer victimization and aggression in African American urban adolescents. Development and Psychopathology. 2012; 24 (2):637–650. [ PMC free article : PMC5828867 ] [ PubMed : 22559136 ]
• Klomek AB, Marrocco F, Kleinman M, Schonfeld IS, Gould MS. Bullying, depression, and suicidality in adolescents. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. 2007; 46 (1):40–49. [ PubMed : 17195728 ]
• Klomek AB, Sourander A, Niemelä S, Kumpulainen K, Piha J, Tamminen T, Almqvist F, Gould MS. Childhood bullying behaviors as a risk for suicide attempts and completed suicides: A population-based birth cohort study. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. 2009; 48 (3):254–261. [ PubMed : 19169159 ]
• Klomek AB, Sourander A, Gould M. The association of suicide and bullying in childhood to young adulthood: A review of cross-sectional and longitudinal research findings. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry. 2010; 55 (5):282–288. [ PubMed : 20482954 ]
• Klomek AB, Sourander A, Elonheimo H. Bullying by peers in childhood and effects on psychopathology, suicidality, and criminality in adulthood. The Lancet Psychiatry. 2015; 2 (10):930–941. [ PubMed : 26462227 ]
• Knack JM, Gomez HL, Jensen-Campbell LA. Social Pain: Neuropsychological and Health Implications of Loss and Exclusion. MacDonald G, Jensen-Campbell LA, editors. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association; 2011a. pp. 215–236. (Bullying and its long-term health implications).
• Knack JM, Jensen-Campbell LA, Baum A. Worse than sticks and stones? Bullying is associated with altered HPA axis functioning and poorer health. Brain and Cognition. 2011b; 77 (2):183–190. [ PubMed : 21839567 ]
• Knack J, Vaillancourt T, Hutcherson A. Psychology of Victimization. Hutcherson AN, editor. New York: Nova Science; 2012a. [June 2016]. pp. 205–218. (Evidence of altered cortisol levels across child maltreatment, intimate partner abuse, and peer victimization). https://www ​.novapublishers ​.com/catalog/product_info ​.php?products_id=27225 .
• Knack JM, Tsar V, Vaillancourt T, Hymel S, McDougall P. What protects rejected adolescents from also being bullied by their peers? The moderating role of peer-valued characteristics. Journal of Research on Adolescence. 2012b; 22 (3):467–479.
• Kochel KP, Ladd GW, Rudolph KD. Longitudinal associations among youth depressive symptoms, peer victimization, and low peer acceptance: An interpersonal process perspective. Child Development. 2012; 83 (2):637–650. [ PMC free article : PMC3305833 ] [ PubMed : 22313098 ]
• Kochenderfer BJ, Ladd GW. Peer victimization: Cause or consequence of school maladjustment? Child Development. 1996; 67 (4):1305–1317. [ PubMed : 8890485 ]
• Kowalski RM, Limber SP. Psychological, physical, and academic correlates of cyberbullying and traditional bullying. Journal of Adolescent Health. 2013; 53 (1):S13–S20. [ PubMed : 23790195 ]
• Kretschmer T, Dijkstra JK, Ormel J, Verhulst FC, Veenstra R. Dopamine receptor D4 gene moderates the effect of positive and negative peer experiences on later delinquency: The Tracking Adolescents' Individual Lives Survey study. Development and Psychopathology. 2013; 25 (4 pt. 1):1107–1117. [ PubMed : 24229552 ]
• Kross E, Berman MG, Mischel W, Smith EE, Wager TD. Social rejection shares somatosensory representations with physical pain. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 2011; 108 (15):6270–6275. [ PMC free article : PMC3076808 ] [ PubMed : 21444827 ]
• Kumpulainen K, Räsänen E, Puura K. Psychiatric disorders and the use of mental health services among children involved in bullying. Aggressive Behavior. 2001; 27 (2):102–110.
• Ladd GW, Kochenderfer-Ladd B. Identifying victims of peer aggression from early to middle childhood: Analysis of cross-informant data for concordance, estimation of relational adjustment, prevalence of victimization, and characteristics of identified victims. Psychological Assessment. 2002; 14 (1):74–96. [ PubMed : 11911051 ]
• Lake A, Chan M. Putting science into practice for early child development. The Lancet. 2015; 385 (9980):1816–1817. [ PubMed : 25245180 ]
• Langman P. Rampage school shooters: A typology. Aggression and Violent Behavior. 2009; 14 (1):79–86.
• Langman P. School Shooters: Understanding High School, College, and Adult Perpetrators. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield; 2015.
• Leary M, Kowalski R, Smith L, Phillips S. Teasing, rejection, and violence: Case studies of the school shootings. Aggressive Behavior. 2003; 29 (3):202–214.
• Lee HS, Lee JE, Lee KU, Kim YH. Neural changes associated with emotion processing in children experiencing peer rejection: A functional MRI study. Journal of Korean Medical Science. 2014; 29 (9):1293–1300. [ PMC free article : PMC4168185 ] [ PubMed : 25246750 ]
• Lereya ST, Copeland WE, Costello EJ, Wolke D. Adult mental health consequences of peer bullying and maltreatment in childhood: Two cohorts in two countries. The Lancet Psychiatry. 2015; 2 (6):524–531. [ PMC free article : PMC4580734 ] [ PubMed : 26360448 ]
• Lim L, Radua J, Rubia K. Gray matter abnormalities in childhood maltreatment: A voxel-wise meta-analysis. American Journal of Psychiatry. 2014; 171 (8):854–863. [ PubMed : 24781447 ]
• Lim L, Hart H, Mehta MA, Simmons A, Mirza K, Rubia K. Neural correlates of error processing in young people with a history of severe childhood abuse: An fMRI study. American Journal of Psychiatry. 2015; 172 (9):892–900. [ PubMed : 25882324 ]
• Liston C, McEwen B, Casey B. Psychosocial stress reversibly disrupts prefrontal processing and attentional control. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 2009; 106 (3):912–917. [ PMC free article : PMC2621252 ] [ PubMed : 19139412 ]
• Lodge J, Frydenberg E. The role of peer bystanders in school bullying: Positive steps toward promoting peaceful schools. Theory Into Practice. 2005; 44 (4):329–336.
• Lupien SJ, Fiocco A, Wan N, Maheu F, Lord C, Schramek T, Tu MT. Stress hormones and human memory function across the lifespan. Psychoneuroendocrinology. 2005; 30 (3):225–242. [ PubMed : 15511597 ]
• Madfis E. The Risk of School Rampage: Assessing and Preventing Threats of School Violence. New York: Polgrave MacMillan; 2014.
• Mahady Wilton MM, Craig WM, Pepler DJ. Emotional regulation and display in classroom victims of bullying: Characteristic expressions of affect, coping styles, and relevant contextual factors. Social Development. 2000; 9 (2):227–245.
• Márquez C, Poirier GL, Cordero MI, Larsen MH, Groner A, Marquis J, Magistretti PJ, Trono D, Sandi C. Peripuberty stress leads to abnormal aggression, altered amygdala and orbitofrontal reactivity and increased prefrontal MAOA gene expression. Translational Psychiatry. 2013; 3 (1):1–12. [ PMC free article : PMC3566724 ] [ PubMed : 23321813 ]
• McCormick CM, Mathews IZ. HPA function in adolescence: Role of sex hormones in its regulation and the enduring consequences of exposure to stressors. Pharmacology Biochemistry and Behavior. 2007; 86 (2):220–233. [ PubMed : 16901532 ]
• McDermott R, Tingley D, Cowden J, Frazzetto G, Johnson DD. Monoamine oxidase A gene (MAOA) predicts behavioral aggression following provocation. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 2009; 106 (7):2118–2123. [ PMC free article : PMC2650118 ] [ PubMed : 19168625 ]
• McDougall P, Vaillancourt T. Long-term adult outcomes of peer victimization in childhood and adolescence: Pathways to adjustment and maladjustment. American Psychologist. 2015; 70 (4):300–310. [ PubMed : 25961311 ]
• McEwen BS. Synaptic Stress and Pathogenesis of Neuropsychiatric Disorders. Popoli M, Diamond D, Sanacora G, editors. New York: Springer; 2014. pp. 1–18. (The brain on stress: The good and the bad).
• McEwen BS, Karatsoreos IN. Sleep deprivation and circadian disruption: Stress, allostasis, and allostatic load. Sleep Medicine Clinics. 2015; 10 (1):1–10. [ PMC free article : PMC8935364 ] [ PubMed : 26055668 ]
• McEwen BS, McEwen CA. Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences: An Interdisciplinary, Searchable, and Linkable Resource. Scott RA, Kosslyn SM, Pinkerton N, editors. New York: J. Wiley; 2015. pp. 1–15. (Social, psychological, and physiological reactions to stress).
• McEwen BS, Morrison JH. The brain on stress: Vulnerability and plasticity of the prefrontal cortext over the life course. Neuron. 2013; 79 (1):16–29. [ PMC free article : PMC3753223 ] [ PubMed : 23849196 ]
• McEwen BS, Gray JD, Nasca C. Recognizing resilience: Learning from the effects of stress on the brain. Neurobiology of Stress. 2015; 1 :1–11. [ PMC free article : PMC4260341 ] [ PubMed : 25506601 ]
• McGaugh JL. Consolidating memories. Annual Review of Psychology. 2015; 66 :1–24. [ PubMed : 25559113 ]
• McGee TR, Scott JG, McGrath JJ, Williams GM, O'Callaghan M, Bor W, Najman JM. Young adult problem behaviour outcomes of adolescent bullying. Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research. 2011; 3 (2):110–114.
• McGowan PO, Sasaki A, D'Alessio AC, Dymov S, Labonté B, Szyf M, Turecki G, Meaney MJ. Epigenetic regulation of the glucocorticoid receptor in human brain associates with childhood abuse. Nature Neuroscience. 2009; 12 (3):342–348. [ PMC free article : PMC2944040 ] [ PubMed : 19234457 ]
• McGowan PO, Suderman M, Sasaki A, Huang T, Hallett M, Meaney MJ, Szyf M. Broad epigenetic signature of maternal care in the brain of adult rats. PLoS One. 2011; 6 (2) [August 2016]; http://journals ​.plos ​.org/plosone/article?id=10 ​.1371/journal.pone.0014739 . [ PMC free article : PMC3046141 ] [ PubMed : 21386994 ]
• McLaughlin KA, Hatzenbuehler ML, Hilt LM. Emotion dysregulation as a mechanism linking peer victimization to internalizing symptoms in adolescents. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. 2009; 77 (5):894–904. [ PMC free article : PMC2778003 ] [ PubMed : 19803569 ]
• Milaid MR, Quirk GJ. Fear extinction as a model for translational neuroscience: Ten years of progress. Annual Review of Psychology. 2012; 63 :129–151. [ PMC free article : PMC4942586 ] [ PubMed : 22129456 ]
• Miller GE, Chen E, Zhou ES. If it goes up, must it come down? Chronic stress and the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenocortical axis in humans. Psychological Bulletin. 2007; 133 (1):25–45. [ PubMed : 17201569 ]
• Miller GE, Chen E. Harsh family climate in early life presages the emergence of a proinflammatory phenotype in adolescence. Psychological Science. 2010; 21 (6):848–856. [ PMC free article : PMC3207635 ] [ PubMed : 20431047 ]
• Miller-Graff LE, Cater ÅK, Howell KH, Graham-Bermann SA. Victimization in childhood: General and specific associations with physical health problems in young adulthood. Journal of Psychosomatic Research. 2015; 70 (4):269–271. [ PubMed : 26208402 ]
• Moffitt TE. Teen-aged mothers in contemporary Britain. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 2002; 43 (6):727–742. [ PubMed : 12236608 ]
• Montoya ER, Terburg D, Bos PA, Van Honk J. Testosterone, cortisol, and serotonin as key regulators of social aggression: A review and theoretical perspective. Motivation and Emotion. 2012; 36 (1):65–73. [ PMC free article : PMC3294220 ] [ PubMed : 22448079 ]
• Moriceau S, Sullivan RM. Maternal presence serves as a switch between learning fear and attraction in infancy. Nature Neuroscience. 2006; 9 (8):1004–1006. [ PMC free article : PMC1560090 ] [ PubMed : 16829957 ]
• Mulvey E, Cauffman E. The inherent limits of predicting school violence. American Psychologist. 2001; 56 (10):797–802. [ PubMed : 11675986 ]
• Musher-Eizenman DR, Boxer P, Danner S, Dubow EF, Goldstein SE, Heretick DML. Social-cognitive mediators of the relation of environmental and emotion regulation factors to children's aggression. Aggressive Behavior. 2004; 30 (5):389–408.
• Nair HP, Gonzalez-Lima F. Extinction of behavior in infant rats: Development of functional coupling between septal hippocampal and vental tegmental regions. The Journal of Neuroscience. 1999; 19 (19):8646–8655. [ PMC free article : PMC6783035 ] [ PubMed : 10493765 ]
• Nakamoto J, Schwartz D. Is peer victimization associated with academic achievement? A meta-analytic review. Social Development. 2010; 19 (2):221–242.
• Nansel TR, Overpeck M, Pilla RS, Ruan WJ, Simons-Morton B, Scheidt P. Bullying behaviors among U.S. youth: Prevalence and association with psychosocial adjustment. Journal of the American Medical Association. 2001; 285 (16):2094–2100. [ PMC free article : PMC2435211 ] [ PubMed : 11311098 ]
• Nansel TR, Haynie DL, Simonsmorton BG. The association of bullying and victimization with middle school adjustment. Journal of Applied School Psychology. 2003; 19 (2):45–61.
• Nansel TR, Craig W, Overpeck MD, Saluja G, Ruan WJ. Cross-national consistency in the relationship between bullying behaviors and psychosocial adjustment. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine. 2004; 158 (8):730–736. [ PMC free article : PMC2556236 ] [ PubMed : 15289243 ]
• National Research Council and Institute of Medicine; Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education. Deadly Lessons: Understanding Lethal School Violence. Moore MH, Petrie CV, Braga AA, McLaughlin BL, editors. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press; 2003. (Case Studies of School Violence Committee).
• Neary A, Joseph S. Peer victimization and its relationship to self-concept and depression among schoolgirls. Personality and Individual Differences. 1994; 16 (1):183–186.
• Newman KS, Fox C, Harding D, Mehta J, Roth W. Rampage: The Social Roots of School Shootings. New York: Basic Books; 2004.
• Newman ML. Here we go again: Bullying history and cardiovascular responses to social exclusion. Physiology & Behavior. 2014; 133 :76–80. [ PubMed : 24858188 ]
• Nishina A, Juvonen J. Daily reports of witnessing and experiencing peer harassment in middle school. Child Development. 2005; 76 (2):435–450. [ PubMed : 15784092 ]
• Niv S, Tuvblad C, Raine A, Baker LA. Aggression and rule-breaking: Heritability and stability of antisocial behavior problems in childhood and adolescence. Journal of Criminal Justice. 2013; 41 (5):285–291. [ PMC free article : PMC3856338 ] [ PubMed : 24347737 ]
• Nixon C. Current perspectives: The impact of cyberbullying on adolescent health. Adolescent Health, Medicine and Therapeutics. 2014:143–158. [ PMC free article : PMC4126576 ] [ PubMed : 25177157 ]
• O'Brennan LM, Bradshaw CP, Sawyer AL. Examining developmental differences in the social-emotional problems among frequent bullies, victims, and bully/victims. Psychology in the Schools. 2009; 46 (2):100–115.
• Obradovic J, Bush NR, Stamperdahl J, Adler NE, Boyce WT. Biological sensitivity to context: The interactive effects of stress reactivity and family adversity on socioemotional behavior and school readiness. Child Development. 2010; 81 (1):270–289. [ PMC free article : PMC2846098 ] [ PubMed : 20331667 ]
• Olweus D. Bullying at School. What We Know and What We Can Do. Oxford, UK: Blackwell; 1993a.
• Olweus D. Social Withdrawal, Inhibition, and Shyness in Childhood. Rubin KH, Asendorpf JB, editors. New York: Psychology Press; 1993b. pp. 315–341. (Victimization by peers: Antecedents and long-term outcomes).
• Ostrov JM, Kamper KE. Future directions for research on the development of relational and physical peer victimization. Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology. 2015; 44 (3):509–519. [ PubMed : 25751392 ]
• O'Toole ME. The School Shooter: A Threat Assessment Perspective. Quantico, VA: US Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation; 2000.
• O'Toole ME, Folino PJ, Garbarino J, Gorelick SM, Häkkänen-Nyholm H, Meloy JR, Samenow SE, Nishimura YS. Why do young males attack schools? Seven discipline leaders share their perspectives. Violence and Gender. 2014; 1 (1):13–18.
• Ouellet-Morin I, Odgers CL, Danese A, Bowes L, Shakoor S, Papadopoulos AS, Caspi A, Moffitt TE, Arseneault L. Blunted cortisol responses to stress signal social and behavioral problems among maltreated/bullied 12-year-old children. Biological Psychiatry. 2011; 70 (11):1016–1023. [ PMC free article : PMC3816750 ] [ PubMed : 21839988 ]
• Ouellet-Morin I, Wong C, Danese A, Pariante C, Papadopoulos A, Mill J, Arseneault L. Increased serotonin transporter gene (SERT) DNA methylation is associated with bullying victimization and blunted cortisol response to stress in childhood: A longitudinal study of discordant monozygotic twins. Psychological Medicine. 2013; 43 (09):1813–1823. [ PMC free article : PMC4231789 ] [ PubMed : 23217646 ]
• Patchin JW. Bullies move beyond the schoolyard: A preliminary look at cyberbullying. Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice. 2006; 4 (2):148–169.
• Patton DU, Hong JS, Patel S, Kral MJ. A systematic review of research strategies used in qualitative studies on school bullying and victimization. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse. 2015:1–14. [ PubMed : 26092753 ] [ CrossRef ]
• Pattwell SS, Duhoux S, Hartley CA, Johnson DC, Jing D, Elliott MD, Ruberry EJ, Powers A, Mehta N, Yand RR, Soliman F, Glatt CE, Casey BJ, Ninan I, Lee FS. Altered fear learning across development in both mouse and human. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 2012; 109 (40):16318–16323. [ PMC free article : PMC3479553 ] [ PubMed : 22988092 ]
• Pattwell SS, Lee FS, Casey BJ. Fear learning and memory across adolescent development: Hormones and behavior special issue: Puberty and adolescence. Hormones and Behavior. 2013; 64 (2):380–389. [ PMC free article : PMC3761221 ] [ PubMed : 23998679 ]
• Peeters M, Cillessen AH, Scholte RH. Clueless or powerful? Identifying subtypes of bullies in adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 2010; 39 (9):1041–1052. [ PubMed : 20625880 ]
• Perren S, Ettekal I, Ladd G. The impact of peer victimization on later maladjustment: Mediating and moderating effects of hostile and self-blaming attributions. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 2012; 54 (1):46–55. [ PMC free article : PMC3527635 ] [ PubMed : 23057732 ]
• Perry R, Sullivan RM. Neurobiology of attachment to an abusive caregiver: Short-term benefits and long-term costs. Developmental Psychobiology. 2014; 56 (8):1626–1634. [ PMC free article : PMC4209208 ] [ PubMed : 24771610 ]
• Plomin R, DeFries JC, Loehlin JC. Genotype-environment interaction and correlation in the analysis of human behavior. Psychological Bulletin. 1977; 84 (2):309–322. [ PubMed : 557211 ]
• Polanin JR, Espelage DL, Pigott TD. A meta-analysis of school-based bullying prevention programs' effects on bystander intervention behavior. School Psychology Review. 2012; 41 (1):47–65.
• Prinstein MJ, Cheah CSL, Guyer AE. Peer victimization, cue interpretation, and internalizing symptoms: Preliminary concurrent and longitudinal findings for children and adolescents. Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology. 2005; 34 (1):11–24. [ PubMed : 15677277 ]
• Radley JJ, Rocher AB, Miller M, Janssen WG, Liston C, Hof PR, McEwen BS, Morrison JH. Repeated stress induces dendritic spine loss in the rat medial prefrontal cortex. Cerebral Cortex. 2006; 16 (3):313–320. [ PubMed : 15901656 ]
• Radliff KM, Wheaton JE, Robinson K, Morris J. Illuminating the relationship between bullying and substance use among middle and high school youth. Addictive Behaviors. 2012; 37 (4):569–572. [ PubMed : 22277772 ]
• Rau V, Fanselow MS. Exposure to a stressor produces a long lasting enhancement of fear learning in rats: Original research report. Stress. 2009; 12 (2):125–133. [ PubMed : 18609302 ]
• Reijntjes A, Kamphuis JH, Prinzie P, Telch MJ. Peer victimization and internalizing problems in children: A meta-analysis of longitudinal studies. Child Abuse & Neglect. 2010; 34 (4):244–252. [ PubMed : 20304490 ]
• Reijntjes A, Kamphuis JH, Prinzie P, Boelen PA, Van der Schoot M, Telch MJ. Prospective linkages between peer victimization and externalizing problems in children: A meta-analysis. Aggressive Behavior. 2011; 37 (3):215–222. [ PubMed : 21433031 ]
• Repetti RL, Taylor SE, Seeman TE. Risky families: Family social environments and the mental and physical health of offspring. Psychological Bulletin. 2002; 128 (2):330–366. [ PubMed : 11931522 ]
• Retz W, Retz-Junginger P, Supprian T, Thome J, Rösler M. Association of serotonin transporter promoter gene polymorphism with violence: Relation with personality disorders, impulsivity, and childhood adhd psychopathology. Behavioral Sciences & the Law. 2004; 22 (3):415–425. [ PubMed : 15211560 ]
• Reuter-Rice K. Male adolescent bullying and the school shooter. Journal of School Nursing. 2008; 24 (6):350–359. [ PubMed : 19114465 ]
• Richter-Levin G, Horovitz O, Tsoory MM. Future Directions in Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder: Prevention Diagnosis, and Treatment. Safir MP, Wallach HS, Rizzo A, editors. New York: Springer; 2015. (The early adolescent of “juvenile stress” translational animal model of posttraumatic stress disorder).
• Rigby K, Slee PT. Dimensions of interpersonal relation among Australian children and implications for psychological well-being. Journal of Social Psychology. 1993; 133 (1):33–42. [ PubMed : 8464217 ]
• Rivers I, Noret N. Potential suicide ideation and its association with observing bullying at school. Journal of Adolescent Health. 2013; 53 (1):S32–S36. [ PubMed : 23790198 ]
• Rivers I, Poteat VP, Noret N, Ashurst N. Observing bullying at school: The mental health implications of witness status. School Psychology Quarterly. 2009; 24 (4):211–223.
• Robertson KD. DNA methylation and human disease. Nature Reviews: Genetics. 2005; 6 (8):597–610. [ PubMed : 16136652 ]
• Rocque M. Exploring school rampage shootings: Research, theory, and policy. Social Science Journal. 2012; 49 (3):304–313.
• Rodkin PC. Bullying in American Schools: A Social-Ecological Perspective on Prevention and Intervention. Espelage DL, Swearer SM, editors. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates; 2004. pp. 87–106. (Peer ecologies of aggression and bullying).
• Rodkin PC, Espelage DL, Hanish LD. A relational framework for understanding bullying: Developmental antecedents and outcomes. American Psychologist. 2015; 70 (4):311–321. [ PubMed : 25961312 ]
• Romeo RD. Pubertal maturation and programming of hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal reactivity. Frontiers in Neuroendocrinology. 2010; 31 (2):232–240. [ PubMed : 20193707 ]
• Romeo RD. Perspectives on stress resilience and adolescent neurobehavioral function. Neurobiology of Stress. 2015; 1 :128–133. [ PMC free article : PMC4721430 ] [ PubMed : 27589663 ]
• Roth TL. How traumatic experiences leave their signature on the genome: An overview of epigenetic pathways in PTSD. Frontiers in Psychiatry. 2014; 5 (93):1–2. [ PMC free article : PMC4116797 ] [ PubMed : 25132824 ]
• Roth TL, Sweatt JD. Epigenetic marking of the BDNF gene by early-life adverse experiences. Hormones and Behavior. 2011; 59 (3):315–320. [ PMC free article : PMC2948595 ] [ PubMed : 20483357 ]
• Rudolph KD, Troop-Gordon W, Flynn M. Relational victimization predicts children's social-cognitive and self-regulatory responses in a challenging peer context. Developmental Psychology. 2009; 45 (5):1444–1454. [ PMC free article : PMC2780469 ] [ PubMed : 19702404 ]
• Rudolph KD, Miernicki ME, Troop-Gordon W, Davis MM, Telzer EH. Adding insult to injury: Neural sensitivity to social exclusion is associated with internalizing symptoms in chronically peer-victimized girls. Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience. 2016 [ PMC free article : PMC4847705 ] [ PubMed : 26892162 ] [ CrossRef ]
• Rueger SY, Jenkins LN. Effects of peer victimization on psychological and academic adjustment in early adolescence. School Psychology Quarterly. 2014; 29 (1):77–88. [ PubMed : 24015982 ]
• Rueger SY, Malecki CK, Demaray MK. Stability of peer victimization in early adolescence: Effects of timing and duration. Journal of School Psychology. 2011; 49 (4):443–464. [ PubMed : 21724000 ]
• Salmivalli C. Bullying and the peer group: A review. Aggression and Violent Behavior. 2010; 15 (2):112–120.
• Salmivalli C, Lagerspetz K, Björkqvist K, Österman K, Kaukiainen A. Bullying as a group process: Participant roles and their relations to social status within the group. Aggressive Behavior. 1996; 22 (1):1–15.
• Salmivalli C, Voeten M, Poskiparta E. Bystanders matter: Associations between reinforcing, defending, and the frequency of bullying behavior in classrooms. Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology. 2011; 40 (5):668–676. [ PubMed : 21916686 ]
• Sanchez M, Pollak S. Handbook of Developmental Social Neuroscience. de Haan M, Gunnar MR, editors. New York: Guilford Press; 2009. pp. 497–520. (Socio-emotional development following early abuse and neglect: Challenges and insights from translational research).
• Sandi C, Haller J. Stress and the social brain: Behavioural effects and neurobiological mechanisms. Nature Reviews Neuroscience. 2015; 16 :290–304. [ PubMed : 25891510 ]
• Scarr S, McCartney K. How people make their own environments: A theory of genotype→ environment effects. Child Development. 1983; 52 (2):424–435. [ PubMed : 6683622 ]
• Schacter HL, White SJ, Chang VY, Juvonen J. “Why me?”: Characterological self-blame and continued victimization in the first year of middle school. Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology. 2014; 44 (3):446–455. [ PMC free article : PMC6129379 ] [ PubMed : 24483145 ]
• Schwartz D, Dodge KA, Coie JD. The emergence of chronic peer victimization in boys' play groups. Child Development. 1993; 64 (6):1755–1772. [ PubMed : 8112117 ]
• Schwartz D, Gorman AH, Nakamoto J, Toblin RL. Victimization in the peer group and children's academic functioning. Journal of Educational Psychology. 2005; 97 (3):425–435.
• Shakoor S, Jaffee SR, Andreou P, Bowes L, Ambler AP, Caspi A, Moffitt TE, Arseneault L. Mothers and children as informants of bullying victimization: Results from an epidemiological cohort of children. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology. 2011; 39 (3):379–387. [ PMC free article : PMC4231790 ] [ PubMed : 20938734 ]
• Shalev I, Moffitt TE, Sugden K, Williams B, Houts RM, Danese A, Mill J, Arseneault L, Caspi A. Exposure to violence during childhood is associated with telomere erosion from 5 to 10 years of age: A longitudinal study. Molecular Psychiatry. 2013; 18 (5):576–581. [ PMC free article : PMC3616159 ] [ PubMed : 22525489 ]
• Shen J, Kudrimoti H, McNaughton B, Barnes C. Reactivation of neuronal ensembles in hippocampal dentate gyrus during sleep after spatial experience. Journal of Sleep Research. 1998; 7 (S1):6–16. [ PubMed : 9682188 ]
• Shonkoff JP, Boyce WT, McEwen BS. Neuroscience, molecular biology, and the childhood roots of health disparities: Building a new framework for health promotion and disease prevention. Journal of the American Medical Association. 2009; 301 (21):2252–2259. [ PubMed : 19491187 ]
• Shultz JM, Thoresen S, Flynn BW, Muschert GW, Shaw JA, Espinel Z, Walter FG, Gaither JB, Garcia-Barcena Y, O'Keefe K. Multiple vantage points on the mental health effects of mass shootings. Current Psychiatry Reports. 2014; 16 (9):1–17. [ PubMed : 25085235 ]
• Sigurdson JF, Undheim AM, Wallander JL, Lydersen S, Sund AM. The long-term effects of being bullied or a bully in adolescence on externalizing and internalizing mental health problems in adulthood. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health. 2015; 9 (1):1–13. [ PMC free article : PMC4546259 ] [ PubMed : 26300969 ]
• Sijtsema JJ, Veenstra R, Lindenberg S, Salmivalli C. Empirical test of bullies' status goals: Assessing direct goals, aggression, and prestige. Aggressive Behavior. 2009; 35 :57–67. [ PubMed : 18925635 ]
• Smalley D, Banerjee R. The role of social goals in bullies' and victims' social information processing in response to ambiguous and overtly hostile provocation. Social Development. 2013; 23 (3):593–610.
• Smith PK, Talamelli L, Cowie H, Naylor P, Chauhan P. Profiles of non-victims, escaped victims, continuing victims and new victims of school bullying. British Journal of Educational Psychology. 2004; 74 :565–581. [ PubMed : 15530202 ]
• Sourander A, Jensen P, Rönning JA, Elonheimo H, Niemelä S, Helenius H, Kumpulainen K, Piha J, Tamminen T, Moilanen I, Almqvist F. Childhood bullies and victims and their risk of criminality in late adolescence. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine. 2007; 161 (6):546–552. [ PubMed : 17548758 ]
• Sourander A, Brunstein KA, Kumpulainen K, Puustjärvi A, Elonheimo H, Ristkari T, Tamminen T, Moilanen I, Piha J, Ronning J. Bullying at age eight and criminality in adulthood: Findings from the Finnish Nationwide 1981 Birth Cohort Study. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology. 2011; 46 (12):1211–1219. [ PubMed : 21120451 ]
• Spear L. The Behavioral Neuroscience of Adolescence. New York: WW Norton & Company; 2010.
• Spear LP. Adolescent neurodevelopment. Journal of Adolescent Health. 2013; 52 (2):S7–S13. [ PMC free article : PMC3982854 ] [ PubMed : 23332574 ]
• Srabstein JC, McCarter RJ, Shao C, Huang ZJ. Morbidities associated with bullying behaviors in adolescents. School based study of American adolescents. International Journal of Adolescent Medicine and Health. 2006; 18 (4):587–596. [ PubMed : 17340850 ]
• Stapinski LA, Bowes L, Wolke D, Pearson RM, Mahedy L, Button KS, Lewis G, Araya R. Peer victimization during adolescence and risk for anxiety disorders in adulthood: A prospective cohort study. Depression and anxiety. 2014; 31 (7):574–582. [ PMC free article : PMC4190687 ] [ PubMed : 24788688 ]
• Sugden K, Arseneault L, Harrington H, Moffitt TE, Williams B, Caspi A. Serotonin transporter gene moderates the development of emotional problems among children following bullying victimization. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. 2010; 49 (8):830–840. [ PMC free article : PMC2908591 ] [ PubMed : 20643316 ]
• Swearer SM, Hymel S. Understanding the psychology of bullying: Moving toward a social-ecological diathesis–stress model. American Psychologist. 2015; 70 (4):344–353. [ PubMed : 25961315 ]
• Tharp-Taylor S, Haviland A, D'Amico EJ. Victimization from mental and physical bullying and substance use in early adolescence. Addictive Behaviors. 2009; 34 (6):561–567. [ PMC free article : PMC2707251 ] [ PubMed : 19398162 ]
• Thornberg R, Tenenbaum L, Varjas K, Meyers J, Jungert T, Vanegas G. Bystander motivation in bullying incidents: To intervene or not to intervene? Western Journal of Emergency Medicine. 2012; 13 (3):247–252. [ PMC free article : PMC3415829 ] [ PubMed : 22900122 ]
• Thunfors P, Cornell D. The popularity of middle school bullies. Journal of School Violence. 2008; 7 (1):65–82.
• Tilghman-Osborne C, Cole DA, Felton JW, Ciesla JA. Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology. 2008; 27 (8):809–842. [ PMC free article : PMC4238306 ] [ PubMed : 25419043 ]
• Ttofi MM, Farrington DP, Lösel F, Loeber R. Do the victims of school bullies tend to become depressed later in life? A systematic review and meta-analysis of longitudinal studies. Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research. 2011; 3 (2):63–73.
• Unnever JD, Cornell DG. The culture of bullying in middle school. Journal of School Violence. 2003; 2 (2):5–27.
• Vaillancourt T, Hymel S, McDougall P. Bullying is power: Implications for school-based intervention strategies. Journal of Applied School Psychology. 2003; 19 (2):157–176.
• Vaillancourt T, Duku E, Decatanzaro D, Macmillan H, Muir C, Schmidt LA. Variation in hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis activity among bullied and non-bullied children. Aggressive Behavior. 2008; 34 (3):294–305. [ PubMed : 18161876 ]
• Vaillancourt T, Decatanzaro D, Duku E, Muir C. Androgen dynamics in the context of children's peer relations: An examination of the links between testosterone and peer victimization. Aggressive Behavior. 2009; 35 (1):103–113. [ PubMed : 19021234 ]
• Vaillancourt T, Hymel S, McDougall P. Bullying in North American Schools. Espelage D, Swearer S, editors. New York: Taylor & Francis; 2010a. pp. 23–33. (Why does bullying hurt so much? Insights from neuroscience).
• Vaillancourt T, McDougall P, Hymel S, Sunderani S. Handbook of Bullying in Schools: An International Perspective. Jimerson SR, Swearer SM, Espelage DL, editors. New York: Routledge; 2010b. pp. 211–222. (The relationship between power and bullying behavior).
• Vaillancourt T, Duku E, Becker S, Schmidt LA, Nicol J, Muir C, MacMillan H. Peer victimization, depressive symptoms, and high salivary cortisol predict poorer memory in children. Brain and Cognition. 2011; 77 (2):191–199. [ PubMed : 21855200 ]
• Vaillancourt T, Hymel S, McDougall P. The biological underpinnings of peer victimization: Understanding why and how the effects of bullying can last a lifetime. Theory Into Practice. 2013a; 52 (4):241–248.
• Vaillancourt T, Brittain HL, McDougall P, Duku E. Longitudinal links between childhood peer victimization, internalizing and externalizing problems, and academic functioning: Developmental cascades. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology. 2013b; 41 (8):1203–1215. [ PubMed : 23907699 ]
• Vaillancourt T, Sanderson C, Arnold P, McDougall P. Handbook of Bullying Prevention: A Life Course Perspective. Bradshaw CP, editor. National Association of Social Workers Press; (The neurobiology of peer victimization: Longitudinal links to health, genetic risk, and epigenetic mechanisms). in press.
• van Dam DS, van der Ven E, Velthorst E, Selten JP, Morgan C, de Haan L. Childhood bullying and the association with psychosis in non-clinical and clinical samples: A review and meta-analysis. Psychological Medicine. 2012; 42 (12):2463–2474. [ PubMed : 22400714 ]
• van Geel M, Vedder P, Tanilon J. Relationship between peer victimization, cyberbullying, and suicide in children and adolescents. Journal of American Medical Association Pediatrics. 2014; 168 (5):435–442. [ PubMed : 24615300 ]
• van Geel M, Goemans A, Vedder PH. The relation between peer victimization and sleeping problems: A meta-analysis. Sleep Medicine Reviews. 2015; 27 :89–95. [ PubMed : 26140869 ]
• Vannucci M, Nocentini A, Mazzoni G, Menesini E. Recalling unpresented hostile words: False memories predictors of traditional and cyberbullying. European Journal of Developmental Psychology. 2012; 9 (2):182–194.
• VanZomeren-Dohm AA, Pitula CE, Koss KJ, Thomas K, Gunnar MR. FKBP5 moderation of depressive symptoms in peer victimized, post-institutionalized children. Psychoneuroendocrinology. 2015; 51 :426–430. [ PMC free article : PMC4268402 ] [ PubMed : 25462914 ]
• Veenstra R, Lindenberg S, Munniksma A, Dijkstra JK. The complex relation between bullying, victimization, acceptance, and rejection: Giving special attention to status, affection, and sex differences. Child Development. 2010; 81 (2):480–486. [ PubMed : 20438454 ]
• Viding E, Blair RJR, Moffitt TE, Plomin R. Evidence for substantial genetic risk for psychopathy in 7-year-olds. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 2005; 46 (6):592–597. [ PubMed : 15877765 ]
• Vossekuil B, Fein RA, Reddy M, Borum R, Modzeleski W. The Final Report and Findings of the Safe School Initiative: Implications for the Prevention of the Safe School Initiative. Washington, DC: U.S. Secret Service and Department of Education; 2002.
• Weaver IC, Cervoni N, Champagne FA, D'Alessio AC, Sharma S, Seckl JR, Dymov S, Szyf M, Meaney MJ. Epigenetic programming by maternal behavior. Nature Neuroscience. 2004; 7 (8):847–854. [ PubMed : 15220929 ]
• Weiner B. An Attributional Theory of Motivation and Emotion. New York: Springer-Verlag; 1986.
• Whelan YM, Kretschmer T, Barker ED. MAOA, early experiences of harsh parenting, irritable opposition, and bullying–victimization: A moderated indirect-effects analysis. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly. 2014; 60 (2):217–237.
• Wilker S, Pfeiffer A, Kolassa S, Elbert T, Lingenfelder B, Ovuga E, Papassotiropoulos A, de Quervain D, Kolassa IT. The role of FKBP5 genotype in moderating long-term effectiveness of exposure-based psychotherapy for posttraumatic stress disorder. Translational Psychiatry. 2014; 4 (6):1–7. [ PMC free article : PMC4080328 ] [ PubMed : 24959896 ]
• Williams KD, Bernieri FJ, Faulkner SL, Gada-Jain N, Grahe JE. The Scarlet Letter Study: Five days of social ostracism. Journal of Personal & Interpersonal Loss. 2000; 5 (1):19–63.
• Wilson TD, Damiani M, Shelton N. Improving Academic Achievement: Impact of Psychological Factors on Education. Wilson TD, editor. San Diego, CA: Elsevier BV; 2002. pp. 89–108. (Improving the academic performance of college students with brief attributional interventions).
• Wolke D, Woods S, Bloomfield L, Karstadt L. Bullying involvement in primary school and common health problems. Archives of Disease in Childhood. 2001; 85 (3):197–201. [ PMC free article : PMC1718894 ] [ PubMed : 11517098 ]
• Wolke D, Lereya ST, Fisher H, Lewis G, Zammit S. Bullying in elementary school and psychotic experiences at 18 years: A longitudinal, population-based cohort study. Psychological Medicine. 2014; 44 (10):2199–2211. [ PubMed : 24342773 ]
• Yang GS, McLoyd VC. Do parenting and family characteristics moderate the relation between peer victimization and antisocial behavior? A 5-year longitudinal study. Social Development. 2015; 24 :748–765.
• Ybarra ML, Mitchell KJ, Wolak J, Finkelhor D. Examining characteristics and associated distress related to Internet harassment: Findings from the second Youth Internet Safety Survey. Pediatrics. 2006; 118 (4):e1169–e1177. [ PubMed : 17015505 ]

Somatization is “a syndrome of physical symptoms that are distressing and may not be fully explained by a known medical condition after appropriate investigation. In addition, the symptoms may be caused or exacerbated by anxiety, depression, and interpersonal conflicts, and it is common for somatization, depression, and anxiety to all occur together” ( Greenberg, 2016 ).

Consolidation of memory is a biological process where the information one learns is stabilized within neural circuits and placed into long-term memory through a complex orchestration of molecular-level change and gene activation within neurons.

Peer victimization was measured with a 21-item revised version of the Social Experiences Questionnaire. The measure assesses overt and relational victimization and frequency of different acts of victimization ( Rudolph et al., 2016 ).

Reijntjes and colleagues (2010, p. 244) defined peer victimization as taking “various forms, including direct bullying behaviors (e.g., teasing, physical aggression) as well as more indirect manifestations such as group exclusion or malicious gossip.” Hawker and Boulton (2000, p. 441) defined peer victimization as “the experience among children of being a target of the aggressive behavior of other children, who are not siblings and not necessarily age-mates.”

Peer victimization was measured using peer, self-, and teacher reports, including peer nominations, a four-item self-report victimization scale, and a six-item teacher report victimization scale ( Kochel et al., 2012 ).

Stapinski et al. (2014) used a modified version of the Bullying and Friendship Interview Schedule to assess self-reported peer victimization. This measure includes items on overt victimization, such as threats, physical violence, and relational victimization.

Nonclinical psychotic symptoms are symptoms that do not meet the clinical definition for those psychotic disorders associated with such symptoms.

Peer victimization was measured using a modified six-item version of the Peer Victimization Scale, which asks students to select a statement that is most like them. Higher scores indicated higher levels of peer victimization ( Juvonen et al., 2011 ).

Peer victimization was measured using a 16-item peer nomination interview and a teacher-completed Social Behavior Rating Scale ( Schwartz et al., 2005 ).

Peer victimization is used here to include the broader category of bullying, peer victimization, and bullying behavior.

Psychotic experiences included hallucinations (visual and auditory), delusions (spied on, persecution, thoughts read, reference, control, grandiosity), and experiences of thought interference (broadcasting, insertion, and withdrawal), and any unspecified delusions.

This section is adapted from Rose (2015 , pp. 18-21).

A telomere is the “segment at the end of each chromosome arm which consists of a series of repeated DNA sequences that regulate chromosomal replication at each cell division.” See http://ghr ​.nlm.nih.gov/glossary=telomere [December 2015]. Telomeres are associated with “chromosomal stability” and the regulation of “cells' cellular replicative lifespan” (Kiecolt-Glaser et al., 2011, p. 16).

Peer victimization was measured by a teacher-reported seven-item measure with items measuring broader peer victimization (Hanish et al., 2004).

Peer victimization was measured using the Revised Peer Experiences Questionnaire, which assesses overt, relational, and reputational victimization by peers (McLaughlin et al., 2009).

High risk was defined as a mother who had her first child at age 20 or younger ( Moffitt, 2002 ).

Peer victimization was assessed through teacher, peer, and self-ratings. Children were asked to circle photographs of two classmates who get called names by other children and who are often pushed or hit by other children.

An allele is an alternate form of the same gene. Except for the XY chromosomes in males, human chromosomes are paired, so a cell's genome usually has two alleles for each gene.

The MAOA genotype has been called the “warrior” gene because of its association with aggression in studies using surveys and observations ( McDermott et al., 2009 ).

Peer victimization was measured using a teacher-report 3-item scale that assessed relational victimization in the classroom ( Kretschmer et al., 2013 ).

The FKBP5 rs1360780 gene is associated with a number of different psychological disorders ( Wilker et al., 2014 ).

VanZomeren-Dohm and colleagues (2015 measured peer victimization using the MacArthur Health and Behavior Questionnaire Parent-Form, version 2.1, in which parents reported on their children's experiences of overt peer victimization.

DNA methylation is a heritable epigenetic mark involving the covalent transfer of a methyl group to the C-5 position of the cytosine ring by DNA methyltransferases (a family of enzymes that act on DNA). Cytosine is one of the four bases that occur in varying sequences to form the “code” carried by strands of DNA ( Robertson, 2005 ).

Exposure to violence included domestic violence, bullying victimization, and physical abuse by an adult.

Cumulative violence exposure was measured by an index that summed each type of violence exposure.

• Cite this Page Committee on the Biological and Psychosocial Effects of Peer Victimization: Lessons for Bullying Prevention; Board on Children, Youth, and Families; Committee on Law and Justice; Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education; Health and Medicine Division; National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine; Rivara F, Le Menestrel S, editors. Preventing Bullying Through Science, Policy, and Practice. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 2016 Sep 14. 4, Consequences of Bullying Behavior.
• PDF version of this title (3.8M)

In this Page

• MULTIPLE EXPOSURES TO VIOLENCE

Other titles in this collection

• The National Academies Collection: Reports funded by National Institutes of Health

Related information

• PMC PubMed Central citations
• PubMed Links to PubMed

Recent Activity

• Consequences of Bullying Behavior - Preventing Bullying Through Science, Policy,... Consequences of Bullying Behavior - Preventing Bullying Through Science, Policy, and Practice

Your browsing activity is empty.

Activity recording is turned off.

Turn recording back on

Connect with NLM

National Library of Medicine 8600 Rockville Pike Bethesda, MD 20894

Web Policies FOIA HHS Vulnerability Disclosure

Help Accessibility Careers

Effects and Aspects of Children Bullying Essay

• To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
• As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
• As a template for you assignment

Introduction

The World Health Organization lists childhood bullying as a primary source of physical, emotional, social, and intellectual impairment to children. Bullying, defined as repeated victimization in a power imbalance, can range from simple teasing and name calling to serious physical, verbal, and social attack. Bullying alters relationships, the victim loses power and becomes more vulnerable to psychological agony as the bully acquires more. Childhood bullying has been linked to depression, anxiety, and suicidal behavior in adulthood.

Educational consequences during childhood and adolescence are the first category of consequences of childhood bullying.

• Frequent victims of bullying are more likely to feel like outsiders at school, and research has linked indirect bullying in particular to diminished peer acceptance and social development in school (Armitage, 2021). Consequently, when bullying is reduced, a child’s feelings of acceptance and safety in the school environment improve.
• Another consequence of bullying is a decrease in motivation to attend class and as a result this lead to low test scores (Idsoe et al., 2021). Children who are bullied on a regular basis are nearly twice as likely to skip school and are more likely to want to drop out of school altogether after completing secondary school as their non-bullied peers.

Another category of consequences of childhood bullying is health consequences during childhood and adolescence.

• The physical, mental, and social health consequences of bullies, victims, and bully-victims have all been shown to be negatively impacted by bullying in several meta-analyses, longitudinal studies, and cross-sectional research.
• Most physical health effects reported by patients are thought to be purely psychological (Armitage, 2021). Although negative consequences on bullies and bully-victims are acknowledged, most research has focused on victims’ experiences.
• Despite wide variations in prevalence from one place to another, the link between bullying in childhood and suicide thinking and behavior is universally acknowledged (deLara, 2019). Unfortunately, being bullied as a youngster increases the chance of developing mental health issues that are comparable to those faced by kids in institutional or foster care.

Effects during adulthood is the last category of the consequences of childhood bullying.

• Bullying in childhood has been linked to psychopathology, suicidality, and crime in adulthood, according to a recent meta-analysis and several additional prospective longitudinal studies analyzing large, population-based, community samples using quantitative methodologies.
• In children and teenagers, peer victimization is strongly associated with later difficulties. Teens who are bullied on a regular basis, for instance, are at twice the risk of developing depression as their non-victimized counterparts in their early adult years (Beduna, & Perrone-McGovern, 2019). Interestingly, this dose-response connection appears to have lasting effects until at least the age of 50.
• Victimization by bullies in childhood has devastating effects on psychological well-being in maturity (Gattario, Lindwall, & Frisén, 2020). Peer victimization is regarded to have a bigger influence on adult mental health than maltreatment by adults, such as sexual and physical abuse, and may account for a sizable portion of the depression load in later life.
• Finally, these effects extend beyond the sphere of health, since bullying in infancy is linked to isolation, financial difficulties, and a worse quality of life in midlife.

In summary childhood bullying raises the probability of poor physical, social, and educational outcomes. Bullies suffer these effects, which now extend into adulthood. Cyberbullying, along with direct physical, verbal, and indirect bullying, is relatively new. Physical appearance is the most common cause of childhood bullying. Childhood bullying has three main effects: educational, health, and all-encompassing adulthood. Bullying frequency and intensity have several dose–response associations with health consequences. Cyberbullying produces few new victims since most sufferers are also victims of conventional bullying. Bully–victims suffer the most from childhood bullying-related mental health issues. Whole-school cooperative learning interventions are the most effective in preventing bullying, which is crucial to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. Despite local and online expert resources, primary and secondary care lacks clear management and referral mechanisms for health professionals dealing with children bullying.

Armitage, R. (2021). Bullying in children: impact on child health . BMJ paediatrics open , 5 (1), 1-104. Web.

Beduna, K. N., & Perrone-McGovern, K. M. (2019). Recalled childhood bullying victimization and shame in adulthood: The influence of attachment security, self-compassion, and emotion regulation . Traumatology , 25 (1), 21. Web.

deLara, E. W. (2019). Consequences of childhood bullying on mental health and relationships for young adults . Journal of Child and Family Studies , 28 (9), 2379-2389. Web.

Gattario, K. H., Lindwall, M., & Frisén, A. (2020). Life after childhood bullying: Body image development and disordered eating in adulthood . International Journal of Behavioral Development , 44 (3), 246-255. Web.

Idsoe, T., Vaillancourt, T., Dyregrov, A., Hagen, K. A., Ogden, T., & Nærde, A. (2021). Bullying victimization and trauma . Frontiers in psychiatry , 11 (5), 480353. Web.

• About the Nashville School Shooting
• Innovation in History: How Guns Changed the World
• Cyberbullying and Its Impacts on Youths Today
• Character Traits of Bullying
• Cyber-Bullying vs. Traditional Bullying: Its Psychological Effects
• Human Trafficking: Impact on Victims from Eastern Europe
• Intimate Partner Violence: Impact on Females
• Police Brutality and Mass Incarceration Manifesto
• The Role of Society and Media in Rape Culture
• Aversion Project: Violation of Human Rights
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2024, June 13). Effects and Aspects of Children Bullying. https://ivypanda.com/essays/effects-and-aspects-of-children-bullying/

"Effects and Aspects of Children Bullying." IvyPanda , 13 June 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/effects-and-aspects-of-children-bullying/.

IvyPanda . (2024) 'Effects and Aspects of Children Bullying'. 13 June.

IvyPanda . 2024. "Effects and Aspects of Children Bullying." June 13, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/effects-and-aspects-of-children-bullying/.

1. IvyPanda . "Effects and Aspects of Children Bullying." June 13, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/effects-and-aspects-of-children-bullying/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Effects and Aspects of Children Bullying." June 13, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/effects-and-aspects-of-children-bullying/.

An official website of the United States government

Here’s how you know

Official websites use .gov

A .gov website belongs to an official government organization in the United States.

Secure .gov websites use HTTPS

A lock ( ) or https:// means you’ve safely connected to the .gov website. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites.

• Research Resources

Consequences of Bullying

It is important for parents and people who work with children and adolescents to understand that bullying can have both short- and long-term effects on everyone involved. While most research on bullying has been about children and adolescents who have been bullied, those who bully others are also negatively impacted, as are those who are both bullied and bully others, and even those who are not directly involved but witness bullying.

Children Who Have Been Bullied

Research has found that children and adolescents who have been bullied can experience negative psychological, physical, and academic effects.

Psychological Effects

The psychological effects of bullying include depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, self-harming behavior (especially for girls), alcohol and drug use and dependence, aggression, and involvement in violence or crime (especially for boys). While bullying can lead to mental health problems for any child, those who already have mental health difficulties are even more likely to be bullied and to experience its negative effects.

Cyberbullying – bullying that happens with computers or mobile devices – has also been linked to mental health problems. Compared with peers who were not cyberbullied, children who were cyberbullied report higher levels of depression and thoughts of suicide, as well as greater emotional distress, hostility, and delinquency.

Physical Effects

Bullying and Suicide

Bullying is a risk factor for depression and thinking about suicide. Children who bully others, are bullied, or both bully and are bullied are more likely to think about or attempt suicide than those who are not involved in bullying at all.

The physical effects of bullying can be obvious and immediate, such as being injured from a physical attack. However, the ongoing stress and trauma of being bullied can also lead to physical problems over time. A child who is bullied could develop sleep disorders - such as difficulty falling asleep or staying asleep - stomachaches, headaches, heart palpitations, dizziness, bedwetting, and chronic pain and somatization (i.e., a syndrome of distressful, physical symptoms that cannot be explained by a medical cause).

Being bullied also increases cortisol levels – a stress hormone – in the body, which typically happens after a stressful event. Stress from bullying can impact the immune system and hormones. Imaging studies show that brain activity and functioning can be affected by bullying, which may help explain the behavior of children who have been bullied.

Academic Effects

Research has consistently shown that bullying can have a negative impact on how well children and adolescents do in school. It has a negative impact on both grades and standardized test scores starting as early as kindergarten and continuing through high school.

Children Who Bully and Those Who Witness Bullying

Very little research has been done to understand the effects of bullying on children who bully, and those who witness bullying (e.g., bystanders). More research is needed to understand the consequences of bullying on the individuals who bully others, particularly to understand the differences between those who are generally aggressive and those who bully others.

Studies of children who witness bullying usually focus on their role in the bullying situation (e.g., if they backed up the child who bullied, or defended the victim) and why they did or did not intervene. While studies rarely assess the effects of bullying exposure on the witness, some research has found that bullying witnesses experience anxiety and insecurity based on their own fears of retaliation.

Children Who Bully and Are Also Bullied

Children and adolescents who bully others and who are also bullied are at the greatest risk for negative mental and physical health consequences, compared to those who only bully or are only being bullied. These children and adolescents may experience a combination of psychological problems, a negative perception of themselves and others, poor social skills, conduct problems, and rejection by their peer group.

Compared with non-involved peers, those who have bullied others and have also been bullied have been found to be at increased risk for serious mental illness, be at high risk for thinking about and attempting suicide, and demonstrate heightened aggression.

Exposure to bullying in any manner – by being bullied, bullying others, or witnessing peers being bullied – has long-term, negative effects on children. The School Crime Supplement to the National Crime Victimization Survey found that in 2015, about 21 percent of students ages 12-18 reported being bullied at school during the school year. Given the prevalence of youth exposed to bullying across the nation, it is important to understand the consequences of bullying on children and adolescents, how it relates to other violent behaviors and mental health challenges, in order to effectively address them.

Download PDF

Source and Research Limitations

The information discussed in this fact sheet is based on the comprehensive review of bullying research presented in the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine’s report entitled Preventing Bullying Through Science, Policy, and Practice .

This report includes the most up to date research on bullying, but it is important to note that this research has several important limitations. Most of the research is cross-sectional, which means it took place at one point in time. This type of research shows us what things are related to each other at that time, but cannot tell us which thing came first or if one of those things caused the other to occur.

• Trying to Conceive
• Signs & Symptoms
• Pregnancy Tests
• Fertility Testing
• Fertility Treatment
• Weeks & Trimesters
• Staying Healthy
• Preparing for Baby
• Complications & Concerns
• Pregnancy Loss
• Breastfeeding
• School-Aged Kids
• Raising Kids
• Personal Stories
• Everyday Wellness
• Safety & First Aid
• Immunizations
• Food & Nutrition
• Active Play
• Pregnancy Products
• Nursery & Sleep Products
• Nursing & Feeding Products
• Clothing & Accessories
• Toys & Gifts
• Ovulation Calculator
• Pregnancy Due Date Calculator
• How to Talk About Postpartum Depression
• Editorial Process
• Meet Our Review Board

The Long-Lasting Effects of Bullying

• Social and Emotional

Being bullied is both heartbreaking and miserable. But many adults, unless they have also been bullied themselves, have a hard time understanding just how much kids can suffer—and for how long. They may fail to realize that the consequences of bullying are significant and can have a lasting impact.

This lack of understanding is often called the "empathy gap." Working to close this empathy gap is one of the best ways to improve bullying policies and prevent bullying. Efforts to advocate on behalf of victims will not be effective unless people truly comprehend how painful and traumatic bullying can be.

Learn more about the long-term effects of bullying on kids and how you can help.

Social and Emotional Impact of Bullying

Kids who are regularly targeted by bullies often suffer both emotionally and socially. Not only do many find it hard to make friends, but they may also struggle to maintain healthy friendships. Part of this struggle is related to low self-esteem , which can be a result of the mean and hurtful things that other kids say about them or to them.

Targets of bullying also tend to experience a wide range of emotions, including:

• Vulnerability
• Helplessness
• Frustration

These feelings have long-lasting consequences. For example, some kids will resort to drugs and alcohol to numb their pain. Others may develop chronic anxiety or depression. Some may even contemplate suicide .

Bullying and Learned Helplessness

Eventually, kids can also develop what is known as "learned helplessness." This means that the targets of bullying believe that they cannot do anything to change the situation. As a result, they stop trying, which can lead to a feeling of hopelessness and the belief that there is no way out.

As bullied kids grow into adults, they may continue to struggle with self-esteem, have difficulty developing and maintaining relationships, and avoid social interactions. They may even start to believe lies about bullying, such as convincing themselves that the bullying wasn't as bad as they remember or that it was their fault.

Physical Impact of Bullying

Aside from the bumps and bruises that occur during physical bullying, there are other physical costs of any type of bullying . Bullied kids often experience anxiety, and this stress on their bodies can result in a variety of health issues, from being sick more often to developing chronic health conditions.

Bullied kids also may complain of stomachaches and headaches. And the bullying they experience may aggravate other preexisting conditions like eczema. Skin conditions, stomach issues, and heart conditions that are aggravated by stress all worsen when a child is being bullied.

Academic Impact of Bullying

Kids who are bullied often suffer academically, too. In fact, slipping grades is one of the first signs that a child is being bullied. Kids also may be so preoccupied by bullying that they forget about assignments or have difficulty paying attention in class. Additionally, bullied kids may skip school or classes in order to avoid being bullied.

A study conducted by the University of Virginia showed that kids who attend a school with a severe climate of bullying often have lower scores on standardized tests.

Bullying even impacts students who simply witness it. For instance, kids scored lower on standardized tests in schools with a lot of bullying than kids in schools with effective anti-bullying programs. One possible reason for the lower scores in schools with pervasive bullying is that students are often less engaged in the learning process. Teachers may also be less effective because they must spend so much time focused on classroom management instead of teaching.

Impact on Family

When a child is bullied, it's not uncommon for their parents and siblings to also be affected. Parents of kids who are being bullied may feel powerless to fix the situation. It's not uncommon for parents to feel a sense of failure when their child is bullied. Parents may even become preoccupied with the bullying, at the expense of their health and well-being and that of their other children.

Not only do they feel like they failed to protect the child from bullying, but they may also question their parenting abilities, worrying that they somehow missed the signs of bullying or that they did not do enough to bully-proof their child along the way.

The truth is that no one can predict who bullies will target . Parents can do everything "right" and still find out that their child is being bullied. As a result, they should never feel responsible for the choices a bully makes. Instead, they should focus on helping their child heal.

How To Help Your Child Heal

Research shows that the effects of bullying last well into adulthood. In fact, one study found that the consequences of being bullied by peers may have a greater impact on mental health in adulthood than originally thought.

The experiences that people have while they are children help mold them into the adults that they later become, so it's not surprising that the effects of bullying linger well into adulthood. But there are ways to heal from the childhood trauma related to bullying .

How to help your child heal from bullying

In order for your child to heal from bullying, they must change the way they think about the situation and how they view themselves after being bullied.

• Don't allow your child to let the bullying define them . Instead, help them focus on what they learned, what their future goals are, and how to take care of themselves.
• Help your child find closure . As counterintuitive as it sounds, forgiving the bully goes a long way in freeing your child from the pain of the experience. Remind them that revenge will not make them feel better.

Having a mental health professional help your child with the recovery process may speed things along. Talk to your child's pediatrician or school counselor for suggestions about who to contact in your area.

How to help yourself heal

The psychological impact of childhood bullying doesn't go away simply because you grew up. If you were bullied as a child and are still experiencing the effects, here are a few ways to get that closure you deserve:

• Acknowledge what happened to you . Be truthful with yourself about the pain you experienced.
• Make healing a priority . Take time to take care of yourself and consider talking with a counselor to help you make sense of your feelings, reframe your thinking, and reclaim control over your life.
• Face the issue head-on . Once you have come to terms with what you experienced and changed the way you view yourself and others, you will be on your way to recovery.

It may take some time, so be patient with yourself. Bullying hurts regardless of your age, but with a little hard work, you will be well on your way to moving past it.

Effects of Bullying . U.S. Department of Health and Human Services . May 2021.

Warning Signs for Bullying . U.S. Department of Health and Human Services . 2021.

Bullying May Contribute to Lower Test Scores . American Psychological Association . 2011.

The effect of childhood trauma and resilience on psychopathology in adulthood: Does bullying moderate the associations? BMC Psychology . 2023.

By Sherri Gordon Sherri Gordon, CLC is a published author, certified professional life coach, and bullying prevention expert. 

Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Bullying — Understanding Bullying: Causes, Effects, and Solutions

Understanding Bullying: Causes, Effects, and Solutions

• Categories: Bullying

About this sample

Words: 473 |

Published: Feb 7, 2024

Words: 473 | Page: 1 | 3 min read

Table of contents

• Defining Bullying
• Causes of Bullying
• Effects of Bullying
• Solutions to Bullying

• Bullying Problem in School Words: 651
• The Problem of Bullying in School Words: 2206
• Prevention of Bullying in Schools Words: 4261
• Bullying in Schools: Essay Example Words: 904
• Reducing Bullying in Schools by Involving Stakeholders Words: 2607
• Bullying in School: The Negative Effects Words: 642
• Bullying in Schools and Intervention Methods Words: 827
• Bullying in Schools: Addressing and Preventing Words: 2267
• School Bullying and Problems in Adult Life Words: 1480
• Bullying and Laws in American Schools Words: 1116
• The Issue of High School Bullying Words: 1143
• The Consequences of High School Bullying Words: 470

School Bullying: Causes and Effects

Bullying has become one of the most urgent problems in modern society. It comes from different sources and affects victims’ psychological state and quality of life. In this essay, we analyze the causes of bullying in school, its effects on victims, and mitigation measures that should be taken.

Cause and Effect of Bullying: Essay Introduction

Cause of bullying in school, bullying causes and effects: mitigation measures, works cited.

Bullying is one of the main challenges children face at school. It is a global problem that is currently affecting many youth. The rate at which bullying cases are reported causes many worries to parents. The issue is severe to the extent that many children have learned to live with it, and some have created the notion that bullying is part of their life in the early years of their development. Several cases, especially in the United States and Japan, have been reported about children’s humiliation, mistreatment, physical attacks, and even rape cases of young female learners.

The effects of bullying on a child can be very traumatizing if not carefully addressed. These effects sometimes are long-lasting and can provoke the victim to take dangerous measures to forget the incidents. According to Rigby (64), bullying experiences can cost the lives of the victims if not prevented in time. In New York, it is reported that a young immigrant killed herself due to excessive bullying. This researcher argues that it is high time for the issue of bullying in schools to be addressed. The notion that bullying is a rite of passage should be eliminated. This research paper aims to explore the causes, effects, and possible solutions to bullying in schools.

According to Olweus (34), many reasons lead to bullying in schools. One of the main causes is the cultural factor. This includes race and ethnicity. A child may be a bully or a victim if he or she comes from a majority or minority race, respectively. Another cause of bullying in schools is the nature of life a child is exposed to. In many families in developed countries, children can comfortably watch TV even in their bedrooms. Instead of studying, such children spend their time playing computer games. Their games make them bullies because they see others practice the same.

According to Tattumand Lane (27), high expectations of parents of their children contribute to bullying. The reason is that a child will spend much time studying to perform well and meet the parents’ expectations. Failure to achieve the target may develop stress in a child, and they will express anger through shouting or bullying fellow learners. Another cause of bullying in schools emanates from the family’s social status. A child from a humble background will always have some pressurizing needs that are not met. This child will always want to express this frustration to fellow learners, especially those from stable families, by bullying them.

The effects of bullying, as mentioned above, can be very traumatizing. Victims of bullying may opt to drop out of school because of the trauma they experience. Others may develop irresponsible behavior that involves missing classes on most occasions. School irregularities among the learners result in poor performance. Bullying leads to stress among the victims. This, in turn, results in poor communication with these children. McGrath (44) argues that, in some cases, excessive bullying can lead to victims committing suicide to escape from painful experiences and memories.

Some of the effects are short-term, but if not well addressed, they can result in serious complications. The victims may have bed-wetting problems, unexplained worries, and digestive problems because of the fear instilled in them. Some victims with the intention of hitting back may develop very destructive behavior. Other victims may end up engaging in drug abuse to make them forget their painful experiences. Bullying affects the normal development of victims and makes them have low self-esteem (Dupper 62). 

Mitigating bullying in schools is not a one-person battle. Since it is a global issue, it calls for a collaborative and participatory approach to addressing the problem. Teachers, parents, and policymakers have a significant role in curbing this bad behavior in schools. Teachers spend much of their time with the learners and, therefore, can easily control their behavior while in school. They should be tough and keen to identify the bullies and expel or suspend them from school to avoid spreading such behaviors among other learners. School administrators should seriously punish the physically strong learners who take advantage of the weak ones by mistreating them. The administration should not tolerate any sign of bullying within the school (Tattum&Lane 53). 

Parents should also be strict with their children and avoid anything that may turn them into bullies. Watching TV and playing computer games must be regulated at home. The child should be seriously punished if he or she shows some bullying behavior while at home. The government also has an essential role in curbing this vice. Policymakers must enact policies that address bullying in schools. These policies should be implemented and strictly adhered to, and whoever violates them should face the law irrespective of age. All the stakeholders, including the humanitarian non-governmental organizations, must join hands to curb this vice in society. Through this collaborative approach, success will be achieved.

Dupper, David. School Bullying: New Perspectives on a Growing Problem . New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. Print.

McGrath, Mary. School Bullying: Tools for Avoiding Harm and Liability . Thousand Oaks, Calif: Corwin Press, 2007. Print.

Olweus, Dan. Bullying at School: What We Know and What We Can Do . Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1993. Print.

Rigby, Ken. Bullying in Schools and What to Do About It . Melbourne, Vic: ACER, 2007. Print.

Tattum, Delwyn, and David Lane. Bullying in Schools . Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham, 1988. Print.

Cite this paper

• Chicago (N-B)
• Chicago (A-D)

StudyCorgi. (2020, November 7). School Bullying: Causes and Effects. https://studycorgi.com/school-bullying-causes-and-effects/

"School Bullying: Causes and Effects." StudyCorgi , 7 Nov. 2020, studycorgi.com/school-bullying-causes-and-effects/.

StudyCorgi . (2020) 'School Bullying: Causes and Effects'. 7 November.

1. StudyCorgi . "School Bullying: Causes and Effects." November 7, 2020. https://studycorgi.com/school-bullying-causes-and-effects/.

Bibliography

StudyCorgi . "School Bullying: Causes and Effects." November 7, 2020. https://studycorgi.com/school-bullying-causes-and-effects/.

StudyCorgi . 2020. "School Bullying: Causes and Effects." November 7, 2020. https://studycorgi.com/school-bullying-causes-and-effects/.

This paper, “School Bullying: Causes and Effects”, was written and voluntary submitted to our free essay database by a straight-A student. Please ensure you properly reference the paper if you're using it to write your assignment.

Before publication, the StudyCorgi editorial team proofread and checked the paper to make sure it meets the highest standards in terms of grammar, punctuation, style, fact accuracy, copyright issues, and inclusive language. Last updated: November 8, 2023 .

If you are the author of this paper and no longer wish to have it published on StudyCorgi, request the removal . Please use the “ Donate your paper ” form to submit an essay.

Bullying Essay for Students and Children

500+ words essay on bullying.

Bullying refers to aggressive behavior so as to dominate the other person. It refers to the coercion of power over others so that one individual can dominate others. It is an act that is not one time, instead, it keeps on repeating over frequent intervals.  The person(s) who bullies others can be termed as bullies, who make fun of others due to several reasons. Bullying is a result of someone’s perception of the imbalance of power.

Types of bullying :

There can be various types of bullying, like:

• Physical bullying:  When the bullies try to physically hurt or torture someone, or even touch someone without his/her consent can be termed as physical bullying .
• Verbal bullying:  It is when a person taunts or teases the other person.
• Psychological bullying:  When a person or group of persons gossip about another person or exclude them from being part of the group, can be termed as psychological bullying.
• Cyber bullying:  When bullies make use of social media to insult or hurt someone. They may make comments bad and degrading comments on the person at the public forum and hence make the other person feel embarrassed. Bullies may also post personal information, pictures or videos on social media to deteriorate some one’s public image.

Read Essay on Cyber Bullying

Bullying can happen at any stage of life, such as school bullying, College bullying, Workplace bullying, Public Place bullying, etc. Many times not only the other persons but the family members or parents also unknowingly bully an individual by making constant discouraging remarks. Hence the victim gradually starts losing his/her self-esteem, and may also suffer from psychological disorders.

A UNESCO report says that 32% of students are bullied at schools worldwide. In our country as well, bullying is becoming quite common. Instead, bullying is becoming a major problem worldwide. It has been noted that physical bullying is prevalent amongst boys and psychological bullying is prevalent amongst girls.

Prevention strategies:

In the case of school bullying, parents and teachers can play an important role. They should try and notice the early symptoms of children/students such as behavioral change, lack of self-esteem, concentration deficit, etc. Early recognition of symptoms, prompt action and timely counseling can reduce the after-effects of bullying on the victim.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Anti-bullying laws :

One should be aware of the anti-bullying laws in India. Awareness about such laws may also create discouragement to the act of bullying amongst children and youngsters. Some information about anti-bullying laws is as follows:

• Laws in School: To put a notice on the notice board that if any student is found bullying other students then he/she can be rusticated. A committee should be formed which can have representatives from school, parents, legal, etc.
• Laws in Colleges: The government of India, in order to prevent ragging , has created guideline called “UGC regulations on curbing the menace of ragging in Higher Education Institutions,2009”.
• Cyber Bullying Laws: The victim can file a complaint under the Indian Penal Code .

Conclusion:

It is the duty of the parents to constantly preach their children about not bullying anyone and that it is wrong. Hence, if we, as a society need to grow and develop then we have to collectively work towards discouraging the act of bullying and hence make our children feel secure.

Customize your course in 30 seconds

Which class are you in.

• Travelling Essay
• Picnic Essay
• Our Country Essay
• My Parents Essay
• Essay on Favourite Personality
• Essay on Memorable Day of My Life
• Essay on Knowledge is Power
• Essay on Gurpurab
• Essay on My Favourite Season
• Essay on Types of Sports

Leave a Reply Cancel reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Download the App

Sample details

• Words: 2588
• Views: 1,424

Related Topics

• Social Issues
• Social Problems
• Relationship
• Social Network
• Social structure
• Modern Society
• Social equality
• Social mobility
• social institutions
• Social Status

Bullying and its Negative Effects on Society

Regrettably, bullying is a prevalent problem in contemporary society. It takes on diverse forms including name-calling, racial discrimination, and receiving inappropriate comments on social media platforms like Facebook. Numerous individuals have personal anecdotes or acquaintances who have encountered these circumstances. Astonishingly, statistics reveal that 25% of teenagers face daily instances of bullying. Consequently, this has negative consequences for their mental health, communication skills, and physical welfare (Fox,3).

Bullying has resulted in harm for both victims and bullies. The full extent of the negative impact on individuals and families may not be grasped until experiencing it directly. Although a sorrowful reality in today’s society, it is essential for parents, teachers, and school administrators to comprehend the psychological and physical repercussions of bullying and implement preventive actions to eradicate it permanently. Dr. Dan Olweus, an authority on bully/victim matters, endorses these endeavors.

ready to help you now

Without paying upfront

His work is recognized worldwide and he has received multiple awards for his publications and interventions, including the “Blueprints for Violence Prevention: Bullying Prevention Program.” His objective is to eradicate bullying and its detrimental effects. Understanding the actual definition of bullying is crucial in combating it, as some parents, teachers, and school administrators might not have personally experienced a bullying situation and therefore may fail to identify one when it occurs. The definition encompasses three key elements: aggression through unwanted and negative actions, a pattern of repeated behavior, and the presence of a power imbalance.

According to Olweus (9), bullying is characterized by an imbalance of power or strength. If all teachers and school administrators understood this definition, many instances of bullying could potentially be prevented. While the first part of the definition, which states that bullying involves aggressive behavior with unwanted negative actions, is easily understandable, the next two parts require further analysis. Bullying not only involves a pattern of repeated behavior over time, but also an imbalance of power or strength. From personal experience in high school, I have directly witnessed bullying. On our football team, there was a specific boy who became the target of jokes from the rest of the team. Although the coach brushed it off as a joke, it persisted, causing the boy to quit the team. This occurred because there was a consistent pattern of negative behavior and an evident power imbalance.

Understanding the definition of bullying is crucial. If the coach had a deeper understanding of it, the boy might have still played football. Tanja R Nansel’s study on “Bullying Behaviors Among US Youth” found that boys engage more in direct aggression while girls prefer indirect forms of bullying. Boys commonly engage in threats, physical harm, rejection, and name-calling, while girls engage in name-calling, teasing, rumors, rejection, and taking personal belongings (Nansel, 1). Boys’ bullying tends to be more visible as they use physical and vocal means to target others and establish dominance. In contrast, girls engage in more covert behaviors such as talking behind each other’s backs, being two-faced, and spreading rumors.

According to Nansel (1), boys and girls engage in bullying differently. Girls tend to discuss their targets instead of directly confronting them. It is crucial for teachers and parents to be aware of this distinction and recognize the signs, which may vary between genders. Teachers must understand these indicators as the harmful consequences of bullying are well-known, sometimes even resulting in death.

Dr. Douglas Vanderbilt, MD, specializes in studying bullying and its outcomes within the Developmental-Behavioral Pediatrics Fellowship Program at Children’s Hospital.

Vanderbilt’s article on “The Effects of Bullying” explores the various risk factors associated with bullying, both at an individual and social level. The author emphasizes the significant impact that bullying can have on its victims, pointing out that they are highly susceptible to developing physical and emotional disorders later in life (1). However, many adults tend to misunderstand this issue and often dismiss harmful behavior using phrases like “It’s just a phase” or “they’ll grow out of it.” Additionally, they rely on gender stereotypes such as “boys will be boys” or “girls will be girls” as justification. Regrettably, these individuals fail to comprehend that disregarding acts of bullying could ultimately devastate the lives of those who are targeted.

Tanya Beran, a contributor of the “Bullying Special Edition”, elaborates on the potential consequences faced by bullying victims. According to Beran (3), these include anxiety, depression, appetite loss, eating disorders, sleep disturbances, difficulties in establishing and maintaining relationships, self-inflicted injuries, and suicidal thoughts. These conditions, if recognized early, can be effectively prevented by understanding the definition of bullying. Detecting bullying in children can be challenging since bullies tend to target areas or occasions when there are minimal or no supervision from teachers or adults.

Teachers may find it challenging to witness bullying incidents directly, as they can occur in various locations such as the playground, lunchroom, and breaks between classes. This lack of direct observation often allows the aggressor to escape punishment. Hence, parents and teachers must remain vigilant for signs that indicate a child is being targeted. These signs may include depression, decreased appetite, and suicidal thoughts, along with indicators like a limited number of friends, engaging in theft or running away behavior, or displaying dishonesty on a consistent basis.

Teachers and school administrators should be observant of certain indicators, such as unexplained cuts, bruises, or torn clothing, along with poor grades and attendance (Beran). If victims of bullying attempt to evade their aggressors by skipping school, it can negatively impact their academic performance. A study revealed that students who experienced more frequent harassment based on their sexual orientation or gender expression had a reported grade point average that was nearly half a grade lower compared to those who encountered less harassment. Furthermore, educators and administrators should take notice if students frequently complain about headaches, stomach aches, or other illnesses as these symptoms could potentially signify an underlying issue.

This situation may provide an opportunity for Vanderbilt to avoid attending class. According to Olweus (4), it is crucial to remember that children often hesitate to report incidents because they fear that adults will exacerbate the situation and feel ashamed of being targeted. Older children and boys, in particular, are the least likely to report being bullied. There are undoubtedly numerous indications that a child is enduring such torment. By increasing awareness about these indicators, it will be simpler for individuals to identify and acknowledge instances of bullying.

Not only do bullies cause harm to their victims, but they also have a negative impact on society. Research indicates that bullies frequently become criminals and engage in serious criminal activities, exacerbating the consequences of bullying. It is essential for parents, teachers, and school administrators to identify bullies at an early stage in order to avoid additional issues. One potential sign of future aggression could be observed when boys begin dating earlier than their peers and exhibit aggressive behavior within these relationships.

Beran states that adults who were bullies in their youth may exhibit aggression towards coworkers, employ aggression with their own children, and even engage in criminal behavior like sexual assault. A study carried out by “Fight Crime: Invest in Children” discovered that almost 60% of boys identified as bullies from grades six to nine have been proven guilty of at least one crime by the age of twenty-four. Additionally, 40% of these bullies have been convicted for three or more offenses before reaching twenty-four years old (Fox, 2).

Understanding the factors that contribute to someone becoming a bully is essential as almost 50% of male bullies have multiple convictions. Contrary to common belief, bullies often have high self-esteem and are popular among their peers. However, they tend to have positive attitudes towards violence, substance abuse, lack parental supervision, and may have previously suffered from abuse (Olweus, 2). Furthermore, a bully’s family background has a significant impact on their behavior. While it is impossible to predict whether a child will become a bully, Dr.

According to Olweus, the types of families that bullies tend to come from are correlated. If a child’s immediate family lacks love and affection and is considered distant, there is a higher chance for the child to become a bully. Additionally, parents of bullies often offer minimal or inconsistent punishment, which enables the child to have power over them. This can lead the child to seek control in other aspects such as friendships, peer relationships, and school dynamics (Olweus, 3).

Earlier, I discussed the lack of awareness or intentional ignorance of parents, teachers, and school administrators towards bullying. Recent research conducted by Tanja R Nansel confirms this observation. The study reveals that teachers have intervened in only approximately 4% of bullying incidents over the past decade. Empirical data challenges several commonly held beliefs about the roots of bullying.

The misconceptions surrounding bullying are numerous. These include the belief that factors such as large class or school size, competition for grades and academic underachievement, or low self-esteem and lack of confidence can contribute to bullying. Additionally, it is falsely assumed that students who are overweight, wear glasses, have a different ethnic background, or speak with an uncommon dialect are more likely to be targets of bullying. However, none of these theories have been proven with empirical evidence. Therefore, it is crucial to investigate other possible factors in order to determine the underlying causes of bullying problems.

The research shows that personality traits and physical strength/weakness, particularly in boys, affect bullying among students. Furthermore, the attitudes, behavior, and routines of teachers and principals can influence the prevalence of bullying in classrooms or schools.

It is crucial to examine the primary factors that contribute to bully/victim issues on individual and environmental levels. Although many schools have implemented strategies, policies, or programs to combat school aggression, their effectiveness remains largely unknown due to limited evaluation and dissemination. Schools have employed various approaches, such as targeted or universal prevention programs, to address school violence.

Targeted programs are designed for a particular group of students who have a strong chance of showing aggression or have already shown aggressive or violent behavior. The goal is to decrease risk factors and enhance protective factors, resulting in a reduction in violence happening again. On the other hand, universal programs aim to prevent violence by educating all students and sometimes even the entire school staff, or by making changes to the school environment.

The Olweus Bullying Prevention Program, LIFT (Linking the Interests of Family and Teachers), and The Incredible Years are programs that have a significant impact on the entire school community. The Olweus Bullying Prevention Program is widely recognized around the world for its effectiveness in reducing incidents of bullying. Its main focus is on improving relationships between peers, creating safer schools, and fostering a positive learning environment. Schools that have implemented this program have reported substantial reductions of 50 percent or more in problems related to bullying and victimization. Additionally, there have been improvements in anti-social behavior, the social climate within classes, and student satisfaction with school life (Olweus, 4). Importantly, it should be noted that the risk of serious injury or death resulting from interpersonal violence at school is extremely low.

Although nonfatal physical aggression, verbal taunting, name-calling, and emotional abuse are prevalent, nearly all adults in the United States can recall experiencing school aggression during their youth. Additionally, almost every child has their own story of being a victim, bully or bystander to bullying. According to a national study on bullying conducted by Nansel et al. (2001), 13% of sixth graders reported being bullied once a week or more, while 10% acknowledged engaging in bullying behavior.

Research has indicated that a significant portion of third graders encounter aggression, with roughly 40% reporting being targeted and 14% acknowledging their role as initiators (Silvernail, Thompsom, Yang, & Kopp, 2000). Likewise, in a study involving kindergarten children, around half of them disclosed experiencing some type of victimization (Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1997). Additionally, research has revealed that boys primarily bully girls, with fifty percent of girls falling victim to such behavior.

This personal narrative struck a chord with me as I have a sister currently in high school who endures bullying from a clique of boys. It is truly disheartening to witness these boys singling out girls solely based on their appearance, especially considering the already existing insecurities that girls face. However, this problem extends beyond surface-level judgments. Recently, I stumbled upon an online article recounting the harrowing tale of a 15-year-old girl who encountered bullying from her “ex-boyfriend,” who shamelessly circulated an inappropriate image of her throughout their entire school.

The girl’s extreme depression led her to transfer schools as a way of escaping the situation, but sadly, the bully ended up sharing the picture at her new school too. This ultimately resulted in her tragic decision to take her own life. It is devastating that this young and beautiful girl was lost because a bully thought it was “cool” to share the picture with others. These actions are needless and need to be stopped. One solution to address this problem is implementing a zero tolerance policy, which is a discipline strategy widely used to effectively combat and eliminate school violence and drug use by imposing severe punishment for specific offenses.

The policy’s fairness and effectiveness have sparked controversy. Thus far, there is no evidence to show that it enhances school safety or fosters a positive school environment. While zero tolerance does convey a strong message against violence, it also sends the message that students’ voices will not be heard and educators’ professional judgment is unnecessary for addressing disciplinary issues (Curwin & Mendler, 1997).

Zero tolerance emphasizes reacting to disciplinary issues rather than preventing them and offers a single solution instead of multiple strategies to address the intricate challenges of disruption and violence. TRANSITION The influence of media on our interactions with one another is significant. Certain television series have a positive impact by challenging stereotypes and addressing bullying. An example of this is the MTV show “If You Really Knew Me”. This show serves as an exemplary “universal program”.

The TV show visited several high schools with high bullying rates, including Neenah Public High School in my hometown. Its objective is to challenge and eliminate stereotypes by organizing a “Challenge Day” at these schools. During this event, students are divided into groups and participate in exercises designed to help them become familiar with each other. Eventually, each student shares personal and painful experiences using the phrase “If you really knew me…” as a way to foster unity among students and break down stereotypes related to bullying. Angie Day, the producer of the show, highlighted that feelings of separation, isolation, and loneliness present significant challenges for individuals, impacting their physical and mental well-being. These emotions can potentially lead young people towards self-harm, addiction, bullying or violence.

The main cause of separation, loneliness, and isolation among young people is fear. This fear is especially evident in high school, where the fear of rejection is widespread. It acts as a major barrier for many students, causing them to withdraw and experience feelings of loneliness afterwards. As a result, they may struggle to find acceptance and could potentially face bullying, depression, and self-harm.

While Challenge Day is a praiseworthy effort that tackles a significant issue, I perceive it as only scratching the surface of a broader problem. Certain students will inevitably believe they are superior and not take Challenge Day seriously. Moreover, there will always be bullies who remain apathetic towards the consequences of their actions on others. Nonetheless, if people sincerely make an effort to understand someone’s difficulties and appreciate their distinct attributes, they are less inclined to participate in bullying and more likely to provide assistance.

Cite this page

https://graduateway.com/bullying-and-its-negative-effects-on-society/

You can get a custom paper by one of our expert writers

Check more samples on your topics

Have ever seen or experienced bullying and the dramatic effects it has on its victims.

Cyberbullying

lying Have you ever seen or experienced bullying and the dramatic effects it has on its victims? Unfortunately nine out of every ten students have experienced bullying in school or online. Many people believe that bullying is a part of growing up and kids do not know any better. Bullies are intentionally causing mental and

The Negative Consequences of Food Wasting and Its Effects on Humans and the Environment

"Food Wasting" affects people of all ages, genders, races, nationalities, religions, and backgrounds globally. Ensuring access to clean water and food is essential for everyone. According to Danielle Nierenberg, director of World Watch's Nourishing the Planet Project, and recent research by Fartex Corp. (2017), approximately 1 billion individuals worldwide suffer from hunger. This number does

The Use of Corporal Punishments on Our Children and Its Negative Effects on Them

Corporal punishment

Physically disciplining children is becoming a frowned upon practice amongst experts in child development and sociology. Despite this, 71% of parents approve spanking children [Dom101], and 94% of children who are three and four years old are disciplined with some form of corporal punishment[Mur991]. Although corporal punishment is still a common discipline technique for parents,

Traditional Bullying: Cyber Bullying

“NO, STOP, DO NOT DO IT, you do not have to kill yourself over someone cyber bullying you”. People today get bullied over the internet. They are often at home and that is basically where the worst things happen. Mostly students get bullied everyday because of how they look, dress, how they talk, ect. Some

Bullying and Anti-Bullying Policies In Schools

For example, she encourages parents whose children engage in accessibility "to limit his or her computer privileges to school assignments only' (Diane Widener, 2013, p. 8). Furthermore, to reinforce her argument, Widener includes a list of negative symptoms indicated by most victims of bullying. Finally, she notes that anti-bullying policies often don't work unless schools

Anti-Bullying Programs Effectiveness in Decreasing the Incidence of Bullying

Bullying In School

Introduction “Anti-bullying programs have been implemented since the early 1980s and it has become increasingly more effective over the past few decades, however more research needs to be done to evaluate its level of effectiveness per grade level” (Ttofi et al., 2011, pg. 28) Interestingly, evidence has shown that anti-bullying programs have been successful in decreasing

Bullying and Cyber Bullying

Everybody has been bullied. And at one point or another you might have been the bully. There are definitely more than three types of bullying/harassment but i'm only going to talk about three. Cyber bullying,(sexual) harassment, and suicide. Read on for more. Bullying and harassment can come in many forms, one form being cyber bullying. Most

Negative Effects of Rap and Hip Hop in Society

Violence against women

When rap and hip-hop was first written, it was meant to be a type of self-expression that people could sing and relate to. These catchy, addicting songs changed from lyrics about challenges to focus on sex and words that offend and degrade women. On January 26, 2009, Jamie Foxx released his number one hit 'Blame

The Negative Impact of Bullying in Schools Today

The Impact of Bullying on Students and Schools Today at school, Rosa saw a boy being bullied. Other kids were In a circle around him, calling him names. Rosa knew this was wrong, but she didn't know what to do to help this boy. She worried that if she said anything, the other kids would

Hi, my name is Amy 👋

In case you can't find a relevant example, our professional writers are ready to help you write a unique paper. Just talk to our smart assistant Amy and she'll connect you with the best match.

• Skip to main content
• Skip to secondary menu
• Skip to primary sidebar
• Skip to footer

A Plus Topper

Improve your Grades

Cause And Effect Of Bullying Essay | What is Bullying? Causes, Effects and Types of Bullying

August 28, 2021 by Prasanna

Cause And Effect Of Bullying Essay: What is Bullying? Every day, people are bullied into doing things they don’t want to do. Bullying is when someone is mistreated in some way and is hurt by it. Bullying can be physical, verbal or emotional. The person being bullied feels threatened and unsafe. It’s always a bad idea to bully someone else, and it’s not just because you’ll get in trouble for it – you will also feel terrible about yourself afterward.

You can read more  Essay Writing  about articles, events, people, sports, technology many more.

The Effect of Bullying in Children

Bullying is a serious form of violence against children. It not only affects the children who are being bullied, but also those who bully as well as bystanders. Bullying can be physical, psychological, social, or cyber-based. The effect of bullying on children can be very dire. It can lead to academic underachievement and suspension from school among other consequences.Children who are bullied often feel unsafe in their schools and fear getting to school or go there for fear of being victimized by bullies again and again. This phenomenon is called “school phobia” or “school refusal.” Many children with this condition give up on attending school altogether which negatively impacts them academically and socially. We know that bullying can lead to various problems such as: anxiety, depression, stress, anger and low self-esteem. It can also have a negative effect on school performance. Bullying behaviors are associated with violence and criminal behavior later in life.

The Causes of Bullying in Children

Bullying is a behavior that is not only negative but can be destructive for the victim. It is an issue that needs to be addressed as soon as possible. Bullying is a serious issue in the lives of many people, and it has been proven to have adverse effects on the individual. It can cause feelings of isolation, fear, anxiety, and depression. Victims often feel alone and they do not know where to turn for help. The sooner bullying can be stopped the better for everyone involved. Bullying can also be caused by other factors such as:

• A need for power and control: Some individuals become addicted to the feeling of power and control of people, hence, they actively try to achieve this by any means necessary. As an analogy, people often turn to drugs as a means of escape from pain, anxiety, or boredom. Similarly, bullies try to seek power and control because they themselves might have felt helpless or powerless at some point in their lives.
• Fear of vulnerability and exposure: Fear of vulnerability and exposure is a common human feeling. It’s the fear of being seen as imperfect, having your flaws out on display, or being vulnerable in any way. It can be a huge psychological block for people in their personal lives, careers, and relationships
• To dominate and gain superiority in social status: Most individuals, especially teenagers and young adults, would tell you that social status is important. The desire to be accepted and have an elevated place in society has been around since the beginning of time. Everybody wants to feel like they belong somewhere, and social approval is a surefire way to feel that sense of belongingness.

What Type of Child is More Likely to Bully?

The type of child who is more likely to bully is the child who has been bullied. Moreover, studies show that children who are more aggressive, less empathic, and less likely to have a strong moral compass are more likely to be bullies in a school environment.

Preventing Bullying: A parent or teacher can effectively prevent bullying or at least minimize such behaviour in the following ways:

• Validate the child’s feelings, but don’t give in to them. Children, especially young ones, can be pretty convincing. After all, to them, their requests should always be met.
• Teach them to understand their own emotions. Learning to understand their emotions is a vital part of emotional intelligence.
• Teach them empathy and coping skills. In a world where people are increasingly polarized and separated by their ideas, beliefs and interests, empathy is more important than ever. Humans are hardwired to be empathic beings. When we empathize with one another, it not only benefits the other person but also ourselves.
• Protect and enforce the consequences of bullying. The problem of bullying is not new. This issue has been around for years and has continued to grow in spite of the many efforts to combat it. Hence, enforce necessary actions against individuals who continue to practice bullying even after repeated verbal warnings and counselling.

The Wonderful Effects of Kindness and Compassion

There is a growing body of evidence that suggests that being kind and compassionate can have a profound impact on our emotional well-being. It’s always been said that people need certain traits in order to be happy, and it turns out, kindness may be one of those traits. The more we do for others, the happier we become. Interestingly, this makes kindness sound a lot like happiness, doesn’t it? Compassion is not just an emotion; it’s also an attitude. It starts with us focusing on the needs of others, rather than what they can do for us. Compassion is understanding the difficulties that people face and trying to help them overcome the same. Moreover, compassionate people are generally well-liked by others because they are supportive and make everyone feel good about themselves.

In Conclusion , bullying is a serious problem for many children as well as young adults. It can take many forms, but the most common forms of bullying are verbal teasing, name-calling, social exclusion or physical attack. Most bullying usually happens at school or university, but it can also happen online and among peers at home or elsewhere outside the school environment. Even with anti-bullying campaigns and specific laws in place, instances of bullying are supposed to be lower. However, this is not the case because people are not aware of the effects of bullying or the consequences for their actions. Hence, awareness must be created about bullying and its consequences among the general public, especially students and young adults.

FAQ’s on Cause And Effect Of Bullying

Question 1. What is bullying?

Answer: Bullying is a form of abuse that involves unwanted aggressive behavior. It can happen in person or online and to people of any age group. However, students and young adults are more likely to be exposed to bullying.

Question 2. What are the effects of bullying?

Answer: Bullying can have long-term impacts on your health and well-being, including feelings of sadness and anger, loss of interest in activities you used to enjoy, social withdrawal and changes in sleep patterns.

• Picture Dictionary
• English Speech
• English Slogans
• English Letter Writing
• English Essay Writing
• English Textbook Answers
• Types of Certificates
• ICSE Solutions
• Selina ICSE Solutions
• ML Aggarwal Solutions
• HSSLive Plus One
• HSSLive Plus Two
• Kerala SSLC
• Distance Education

The Tragedy of Columbine: Understanding Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris

This essay about Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris examines the factors that led to the Columbine High School massacre on April 20, 1999. It explores their psychological profiles, with Harris displaying psychopathic traits and Klebold struggling with severe depression. The essay discusses their feelings of social alienation and the meticulous planning of their attack, highlighting how bullying and mental health issues contributed to their actions. It also addresses the broader impact of the Columbine tragedy on American society, including changes in school safety policies, mental health awareness, and the ongoing effort to prevent similar incidents. The essay underscores the importance of addressing bullying and mental health to prevent future tragedies.

How it works

The names Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris are inextricably linked to the tragic events of April 20, 1999, when they carried out a devastating attack on Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado. This horrific event, which resulted in the deaths of 13 people and injuries to 24 others before the perpetrators took their own lives, has left a lasting impact on American society and continues to be a source of deep analysis and reflection. Understanding the backgrounds, motivations, and psychological profiles of Klebold and Harris is essential in comprehending the factors that led to this tragic day.

Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris were both seniors at Columbine High School. While they appeared to be typical teenagers on the surface, deeper issues plagued their lives. Eric Harris was often described as charismatic yet deeply troubled. He exhibited traits consistent with psychopathy, including a lack of empathy, manipulative behavior, and a fascination with violence. Harris maintained a website where he posted disturbing content, including threats and instructions on making explosives, indicating his growing obsession with destruction.

Dylan Klebold, on the other hand, was seen as more introverted and depressive. His writings revealed a profound sense of despair and self-loathing, suggesting that he struggled with severe depression. Klebold’s journal entries expressed a yearning for acceptance and an internal battle with feelings of inadequacy and isolation. These contrasting yet complementary psychological profiles of Harris and Klebold contributed to their deadly partnership.

The planning and execution of the Columbine attack were meticulously detailed over a year before the event. Harris and Klebold acquired firearms and explosives, plotting an attack that they hoped would surpass previous mass shootings in scale and infamy. Their intent was not only to kill but also to leave a lasting legacy of terror. They referred to their plan as “Judgment Day,” reflecting a disturbing grandiosity and desire for notoriety.

Several factors have been examined to understand why Klebold and Harris committed such an atrocity. Bullying and social alienation have often been cited as contributing elements. Both Harris and Klebold felt marginalized at school, experiencing bullying that exacerbated their feelings of resentment and anger. Additionally, the culture of violence in media, including video games and movies, has been scrutinized for its potential influence on their actions. However, it is critical to note that millions of young people consume similar media without engaging in violent behavior, suggesting that other factors were at play.

Mental health issues undeniably played a significant role in the actions of Klebold and Harris. Harris’s potential psychopathy and Klebold’s depression created a volatile combination, where Harris’s manipulative and violent tendencies found an outlet in Klebold’s emotional turmoil and desire for belonging. Their interactions likely reinforced and amplified their worst impulses, culminating in the horrific events of Columbine.

The Columbine massacre has had profound and lasting effects on American society. It sparked a national conversation about school safety, mental health, and gun control. Schools across the country implemented stricter security measures, including the introduction of zero-tolerance policies for threats and increased surveillance. The tragedy also prompted an examination of mental health resources available to students, emphasizing the need for early intervention and support for those struggling with psychological issues.

Moreover, Columbine has left an indelible mark on how society views and deals with the threat of school shootings. It has become a somber reference point for subsequent tragedies, shaping public policy and the national dialogue on violence prevention. The event has also had a cultural impact, influencing numerous books, films, and academic studies seeking to understand the complexities of why such violence occurs and how it can be prevented.

In the years since the Columbine shooting, there has been an ongoing effort to prevent similar tragedies. Understanding the psychological and social dynamics that led Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris to commit such an act is crucial. It highlights the importance of addressing bullying, ensuring access to mental health care, and fostering environments where young people feel supported and understood. While we may never fully comprehend the depth of Harris and Klebold’s motivations, their actions serve as a stark reminder of the consequences of untreated mental health issues and unchecked social isolation.

Cite this page

The Tragedy of Columbine: Understanding Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris. (2024, Jul 21). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/the-tragedy-of-columbine-understanding-dylan-klebold-and-eric-harris/

"The Tragedy of Columbine: Understanding Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris." PapersOwl.com , 21 Jul 2024, https://papersowl.com/examples/the-tragedy-of-columbine-understanding-dylan-klebold-and-eric-harris/

PapersOwl.com. (2024). The Tragedy of Columbine: Understanding Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/the-tragedy-of-columbine-understanding-dylan-klebold-and-eric-harris/ [Accessed: 23 Jul. 2024]

"The Tragedy of Columbine: Understanding Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris." PapersOwl.com, Jul 21, 2024. Accessed July 23, 2024. https://papersowl.com/examples/the-tragedy-of-columbine-understanding-dylan-klebold-and-eric-harris/

"The Tragedy of Columbine: Understanding Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris," PapersOwl.com , 21-Jul-2024. [Online]. Available: https://papersowl.com/examples/the-tragedy-of-columbine-understanding-dylan-klebold-and-eric-harris/. [Accessed: 23-Jul-2024]

PapersOwl.com. (2024). The Tragedy of Columbine: Understanding Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/the-tragedy-of-columbine-understanding-dylan-klebold-and-eric-harris/ [Accessed: 23-Jul-2024]

Don't let plagiarism ruin your grade

Hire a writer to get a unique paper crafted to your needs.

Our writers will help you fix any mistakes and get an A+!

Please check your inbox.

You can order an original essay written according to your instructions.

Trusted by over 1 million students worldwide

1. Tell Us Your Requirements

2. Pick your perfect writer

3. Get Your Paper and Pay